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In the Name of God بسم الله

Returniste

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  1. copy-pasting from unreliable news sources. Please use ShiaChat responsibly and proactively. Thank you.

  2. Dear Returniste,

    Is it my imagination, or is it true that all you have done with this account is start flame wars about Iranian politics? You already have another account and don't need this one. If this continues, your account will be disabled. I don't care about your political viewpoints, but we would prefer not to have argument after argument here, especially when you are

  3. Let me ask you a question: On what basis do you equate Khamenei to Imam Ali (as)? Do you realize that traditionally such a thought would be deviant, if not heretical?
  4. I find it slightly amusing how people speak of an 'Islamic government' whereas the Imams (as) have said that in the occultation there will be no just government. I find it rather despicable how they equate Khomeini/Khamenei's government to Imam Ali's (as) and thereby insult all that is Holy and True.
  5. Only the fools who worship Ahmadinejad's rantings, thinking it to be some sort of wisdom, can come up with these things. The US is no angel, but whenever disaster strikes various regions of the world, it is the Americans who help and come to aid the helpless first. Where are Iran's doctors? Has any help come from the moron from Venezuela? For all its ills, the US has given, altogether, at least 90% of the aid that Haiti is receiving and shall receive.
  6. A_Follower when will you stop wearing diapers? When you become an adult it may be worthwhile to reply to your normal regurgitated tired nonsense. The status quo should at least pay you for your efforts, but someday you will owe us an apology.
  7. May Allah guide and forgive you for this insult to the Holy Imam (as). Oppressors cannot have any relation to Masoomeen.
  8. Khamenei does not need such personal habits to gain disrepute. His oppression and tyranny of honest people from all walks of society, from righteous ulama to academics to ordinary people, is well-known and documented. Ask the Shirazi family to show you their physical scars they have received from Khamenei's [Edited]. This is just one example from many. Only blind fools, hypocrites and liars would not admit to these things. It is absolutely hilarious when Khamenei is compared to Imam Ali because the Holy Imam had never allowed his officials to commit such indecent grave sins as Khamenei has allowed his officials to commit. Furthermore, if one of Imam Ali's officials did commit such a wrong deed, he promptly punished them; Khamenei allows and even endorses such things. [Edited], as Ayatollah Dastghayb has said.
  9. Guardian Council or Interior Ministry or both.
  10. For the past seven months, countless parallels have been drawn between the current uprising gripping Iran and the events that ultimately led to the demise of the Pahlavi monarchy some 30 years ago. Whether or not the comparisons are accurate, one irony that cannot be escaped is that the regime is facing increasingly vocal dissent from the very clerical class that brought it to power. In fact, as the Islamic Republic deviates more and more from its theocratic roots and transforms into a military dictatorship, it risks alienating the very marjas who have given it legitimacy since its inception. Most of the criticism directed at the regime by Iran's clerics has thus far been relatively measured. But the death of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri has prompted several prominent clerics to speak out more forcefully in support of the Green movement, if only to distance Shiite Islam from an increasingly repressive and desperate government. In Shiraz, Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Mohammad Datsgheib has been especially vocal. Datsgheib first provoked the regime's ire back in September, when he criticized the 86-member Assembly of Experts (of which he is a member) for staying silent throughout the post-election crisis, and even questioned the validity of the office of supreme leader itself. In a later sermon, the prominent cleric went so far as to call Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei a "traitor" and urged him to repent in order to "escape hell" after death. That prompted a small number of clerics close to Khamenei to circulate a petition calling for Datsgheib's expulsion from the body. But since the opposition regained its momentum with large protests on the holy day of Ashura, during which at least 10 protesters were killed, the regime's response has become more aggressive. Ghoba Mosque, where Datsgheib leads his sermons, was first attacked and eventually closed off by plainclothes Basij militia, the first time in the Islamic Republic's 30 years that a mosque has been closed. As important, Ghoba Mosque was one of the clerics' main spiritual bastions during both the 1979 Islamic revolution and the Iran-Iraq war. Regime forces have also attacked Datsgheib's home and prevented him from leaving the southern city of Shiraz to travel to Tehran. Then there is Grand Ayatollah Yousef Sanei, widely expected to inherit the opposition mantle from Montazeri. Close to the Islamic Republic's founding father, Ruhollah Khomeini, Sanei served in the Guardian Council, the Assembly of Experts, and the Judiciary throughout the 1980s. Shortly after Montazeri's death, Sanei declared that he would strive to continue the late cleric's work and honor his legacy. Not surprisingly, his office in Qom was attacked by Basij agents during Montazeri's funeral procession in late-December, and chants of "Death to Sanei" have become increasingly common at regime-organized rallies. But the offensive against the revered cleric was taken to a new level by the recent declaration of the Qom Seminary Teachers Society that Sanei "does not have the required criteria to be a Shiite marja." The hollowness of the association's statement -- signed by just one cleric, Mohammad Yazdi* -- lies in the fact that the group does not have the authority to void Sanei's standing as a source of emulation. In fact, no official body grants such status. As Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of Iran's most powerful clerical politicians who has cautiously aligned himself with the opposition noted, a marja has never been installed or removed by a single authority. Unsurprisingly, condemnation of Yazdi's move came swiftly, from both conservative and moderate religious scholars alike. (Yazdi has since backpedaled from his signed statement.) Yet ironically, the regime may face its greatest threat not from within, but from outside the country. Ever since June's contested election, observers have been keeping a close watch on Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani (who hails from Iran but resides in the holy city of Najaf, Iraq), considered the highest living authority in all of Shiite Islam. Sistani comes from the "quietist" tradition of Shiite theology, one that, unlike the Islamic Republic's ruling doctrine of velayat-eh faqih, holds that clerics should abstain from becoming directly involved in politics. So far, he has refrained from condemning the regime's actions. But his clout is so strong in the Shiite world that, were this to change, the Islamic Republic would arguably no longer face just a political crisis within Iran, but also a crisis of religious confidence among all Shiites. For now, the influential cleric has shown no signs of weighing in on the unrest. As Ashura came and went, Sistani issued a statement only inviting followers to attend memorial services for the "martyrs" who died in recent terrorist attacks in Karbala and Kazemein, Iraq. Yet there is little doubt that Sistani is watching events unfold in his native land. In November, he met with Ali Larijani, the speaker of Iran's Parliament, and more recently, he defended Sanei in the aftermath of Yazdi's attack. While numerous protesters had been killed in previous demonstrations, the deaths on Ashura may prove to be particularly harmful to the regime. Violence is strictly prohibited on the holy day, and as Karoubi bluntly pointed out, "Even the Shah respected Ashura." If the bloodshed continues -- and in Islam's name, for that matter -- Sistani may feel compelled to finally speak out against the regime. For that would ultimately not constitute his abandonment of a "quiet" philosophy, but rather, a response to an Islamic government that has itself abandoned the very Islamic principles on which it was founded. http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/article.aspx?id=4928 Ayatollahs desert Iran's besieged regime AYATOLLAH Ruhollah Khomeini established his Islamic regime on the premise of velayet-e faqih, the undisputed moral and religious authority of the supreme leader as a successor to the prophet Mohammed and the infallible Shia imams. This premise was set to justify and guarantee the survival of the system he created. Undisputed authority, he thought, with a back-up from Allah, cannot be challenged. But as events in Iran unfold, it becomes clear this is no longer the case. Not only is the leader challenged but also his self-ascribed monopoly on God. Khomeini's successor Ali Khamenei never enjoyed the religious and moral authority of his predecessor. Khamenei, a mid-level cleric (hojatoleslam) who had never completed a resaleye amalie (equivalent to a PhD dissertation for Shia religious students), ascended to the rank of grand ayatollah within three months. He began his career by putting his rival, grand ayatollah Hosein Ali Montazeri, under house arrest. For his part, Montazeri, once designated as the successor to Khomeini, indeed became Khamenei's most vocal opponent. His once lonely voice of dissent became stronger as more and more ayatollahs, including very senior ones, found it increasingly difficult to keep silent. The rift between the clerical establishment and the regime has significantly widened during the past six months. Slowly but surely, even some of the most conservative ayatollahs began to distance themselves from both. Last month, grand ayatollah Javadi Amoli, who performs Friday prayers in Qom, announced his resignation. In his departure statement, he expressed his frustration with the lack of listening on the part of the Supreme Leader: "When the Friday imam articulates the problems that people face and those problems are resolved, it is evidence that he has expressed them well. But if the problems are not resolved, that means he was not successful." In another recent sermon, Ayatollah Reza Ostadi, a Friday prayer leader in the holy city of Qom, condemned the "extremism in support of the Supreme Leader", or the heavy-handed tactics used by the regime to impose Khamenei's authority. In response, one of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's aides launched a verbal attack on the senior cleric. However, no less than 19 top members of Qom seminaries issued an open letter in support of their colleague. Last June, shortly after the first peaceful demonstrations were met with violence, a video clip of Grand Ayatollah Ali Mohammed Dastghaib, the most senior religious figure in Fars, appeared on YouTube. In it, he openly called the supreme leader an apostate who should be removed from God's mercy. This brazen speech brought the closure of his mosque as well as several attacks on his office and home. He was also barred from giving public speeches. But his message still resonates. In another YouTube clip, Ayatollah Shirazi, who belongs to one of the most prominent clerical families in Shia Islam, called Khamenei "worse than Yazid", referring to a historical figure who is the embodiment of Satan for Shi'ites. Yazid's army killed Hussein, the grandson of Mohammed and the most revered Shia imam on the day of Ashura. Although the timing of the clip is not clear, its content is unequivocally lucid: Khamenei, no longer represents Islam but, rather, he is perceived as an enemy of the faith. Shirazi ends his remarks by praying for Khamenei's severe punishment on the day of judgment. Shirazi's remarks appeared more relevant at the December 27 mass demonstrations that coincided with the Ashura, the annual commemoration of Hussein's death. At least nine people were killed that day, an untold number were injured and more than 1100 people arrested in Tehran alone. Such brutality during the holy day placed the supreme leader closer to the side of Yazid in the eyes of many. Co-opting God remains at the core of this debate. Ayatollah Abbas Vaez-Tabasi, one of Khamenei's most corrupt representatives, called the leaders of the opposition enemies of God who should be sentenced to death. Mehdi Karubi, a mid-ranking cleric and an opposition leader, characterised the attack on the demonstrators on the day of Ashura as an "unforgivable sin". Yazid or not, it is becoming increasingly evident that the moral authority of the Supreme Leader is fading. With it, the very foundation on which the Islamic Republic was built appears shakier than ever. The Iranian people, along with the religious leadership, are distancing themselves from a regime that represents neither the people below nor God above. http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/opinion/ayatollahs-desert-irans-besieged-regime/story-e6frg6zo-1225818989248
  11. Tijani is a good man, but is Sunni-influenced. His worldview of how religion ought to be is influenced by his Sunni background and has no bearing on the True Religion. It would be better for people such as he to stay quiet, and the deviant politicized 'shias' here would better serve themselves by listening to genuine scholars of the religion of the Holy Imams (as) like Ayatollah Hossain Waheed Khorasani, etc.
  12. That statement carries suspicion of Ashari influence in my opinion, but I am not accusing. However, that would not attract anyone to Islam.
  13. If some only have 'half minds', how would they be able to distinguish such things in any case? Anyhow Mr. Scientist, explain to us why this is 'half science'? And yes, science does require money and is legitimate to make a business out of so long as it is not a fraud. Thus, you may enlighten us.
  14. Leading Iranian dissidents arrested, body of Mousavi's nephew missing Authorities clamp down in Iran the day after bloody clashes between demonstrators and police in which at least eight died. Hundreds are held, and the body of Ali Habibi-Mousavi allegedly is confiscated. By Borzou Daragahi 7:26 AM PST, December 28, 2009 Reporting from Beirut Iranian authorities intensified a crackdown against a budding opposition movement, arresting prominent political activists and allegedly confiscating the corpse of an opposition leader's nephew in an effort to stem further protests. At least eight people were killed in Sunday's unrest, according to Iranian news outlets, with dozens of police and protesters injured and huge swaths of the capital littered with debris and ash from the unrest. Protests coinciding with the Ashura religious holiday also broke out in other cities and towns across the country. According to the reformist website Parlemannews, the body of Ali Habibi-Mousavi, opposition leader Mir-Hossein Mousavi's nephew, went missing today after he was allegedly shot dead by security forces or allied militias during massive anti-government Ashura protests Sunday. "Unfortunately, they have taken the body of my brother from the hospital, and however much we search, we can't find the body," his brother, Reza Mousavi, told the news website. "No one is accepting responsibility for the body or is accountable." A report by Iran's official Islamic Republic News Agency said Habibi-Mousavi's body and that of four other victims of the day's violence had been taken away for "investigation" by the police, citing no sources. Removal of the bodies also might stymie potential political unrest associated with funerals and the religiously significant third, seventh and 40th days of mourning. Meanwhile, security forces swept up numerous prominent activists, including Iran's leading death-penalty opponent Emadeddin Baghi, trashing his home and roughing up his wife, his brother said in an e-mail. Authorities also arrested the leader of a reformist party, Ebrahim Yazdi, who served as a deputy prime minister in the first months after Iran's 1979 revolution, according to opposition news websites. Others arrested included Mousavi's deputies, Qorban-Ali Behzadian-nejad and Mohammad Baqerian, student activists, journalists and reformist cleric Ayatollah Hossein Mousavi Tabrizi in Qom, Iranian news agencies and websites reported. Also arrested were the mother and brother of Sohrab Aarabi, a young Iranian man slain during protests in June. Authorities said Sunday that 300 people had been arrested in Sunday's fiery protests. Iranian opposition websites put the number at 550. Among those missing and presumed arrested is Reza Basha, a Syrian journalist employed by the Arab-language Dubai TV network. The mass arrests suggested frustration on the part of Iranian authorities. They have been unable to stem the tide of an opposition movement that appears to be gaining new footholds despite the use of police power, the judiciary and state broadcasting, which has been airing a steady stream of disparaging reports about the opposition. Images of the weekend's violence, often filmed by protesters using cellphone video cameras and uploaded to the Internet, were broadcast globally and captured headlines across the world. Western officials have urged Iranian authorities to make a deal with the opposition movement. "The stepping up of repression leads nowhere," French foreign ministry spokesman Bernard Valero told reporters today, according to Agence France-Presse. "A political solution based on dialogue and respect for democratic principles is the right path to find a way out of the current situation." Iranian officials say the unrest was caused by a few people defiling the sanctity of a religious holiday. Brigadier-Gen. Masoud Jazayeri, the deputy commander of Iran's armed forces, described the violence as "the actions of a group of hooligans," according to an article on the website of Iran's state-owned Press TV news channel. Opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi, who ran against President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the disputed June elections that triggered one of the Islamic republic's worst-ever political crises, compared the government's behavior unfavorably to that of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who faced Ashura protests during his reign. "The dictatorship regime of the shah was respectful to Ashura and avoided killings, punishment and arrest of opposition leaders," he said, according to an opposition website, Rahesabz. "Why is that a government, which had risen from Ashura riots, orders the killings of people and causes horror among society during the holy day of Ashura?" http://www.latimes.com/news/nation-and-world/la-fg-iran-protests29-2009dec29,0,3329845,print.story
  15. My point was that you type unfactual nonsense to promote your argument. I never said Sadaat's military dictatorship was correct; it was you actually who brought him up. Howver, Iran today is headed toward a military/ideological dictatorship, as is obvious. The IRGC gain more power by the day and all matters, internally and externally, are seen from the tainted monochromatic prism of military/security interests. Please try to understand what I have said before replying. The silent majority are just struggling to survive a terrible economy, which is caused in part by a terrible government. Those who protest many different aspects of the regime and Khamenei's dictatorship and the creeping power of the IRGC are far more than a 'few youths from Northern Tehran'.
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