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Addressing Chinese dominance

Haji 2003

Entry posted by Haji 2003 in Economics

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Summary

This post is about investigating possible non-military courses of action open to China's adversaries.

I have previously argued that the conflict in Ukraine is a precursor to muscular action against China. In this post I am going to analyse how China stands on various metrics and pursue a line of enquiry that investigates the possibilities for economic rather than military action.

To be clear about my overall stance, I prefer a multi-polar world, which no one country dominates. I would prefer no war to any kind of war. But I also believe that we are not currently in any kind of equilibrium. China is becoming more powerful and sees no need to rein in its ambitions and other developed countries see that as a threat to their long-run welfare. As a result, some kind of activity is likely.

This post contains the conclusions to the analysis undertaken by chatgpt, replies to this post will have the analysis itself, for purposes of transparency.

 

I gave Chatgpt the following prompt.

Quote

Please run through the analysis for the proposition that given its population size, level of historic economic growth and innovation, China has now passed beyond the tipping point where it will dominate the world economy regardless of any actions other nations can take.

 

This is the conclusion to its analysis:

Quote

 

While China has made tremendous strides in economic growth, innovation, and global influence, several factors determine whether it has irrevocably passed the tipping point:

1. Population and Market Size: China's large population provides a competitive edge.

2. Sustained Economic Growth: China's growth rate, though slowing, remains higher than that of many developed economies.

3. Innovation Drive: Significant investments in R&D and education position China as a leader in technological advancements.

4. Global Strategy: Initiatives like the BRI enhance China’s influence.

However, significant challenges such as an aging population, debt levels, and geopolitical tensions could affect its trajectory. While China is well-positioned to be a dominant global economic force, it is not entirely invulnerable to actions by other nations or internal constraints.

Thus, while China may be on a path towards significant global economic influence, it is not an absolute certainty that it will dominate regardless of other nations' actions. The interplay of global dynamics, policy decisions, and unforeseen events will continue to shape the future economic landscape.

 

 

I then asked the following question:

Quote

How does the size of China's corporate and local government debt compare to the assets and liabilities of the national government and how much would the balance sheet of the latter be impacted by the size of any bailouts?

 

This was the conclusion to its analysis

Quote

The size of China's corporate and local government debt is substantial relative to the national government’s assets and liabilities. A large-scale bailout would significantly impact the national government’s balance sheet, doubling or even tripling the national debt-to-GDP ratio. This scenario underscores the importance of managing corporate and local government debt prudently to avoid severe fiscal consequences.

 

So i asked the following question:

Quote

How could foreign actors leverage the corporate and local government debt so as to cause problems for the Chinese government, without having to resort to warfare?

 

This was the answer:

Quote

Foreign actors have multiple non-military avenues to leverage China’s corporate and local government debt to cause significant economic and financial challenges. These strategies focus on undermining confidence, increasing borrowing costs, and reducing revenue streams for Chinese entities. While effective, these measures could also have global economic repercussions, given China's central role in the world economy.

 

To expand a little on the above, chatgpt sees a range of measures being likely including many that are already being implemented. These include restrictions on imports from China, encouraging investment overseas by Chinese individuals and so on.

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Haji 2003

Haji 2003 15,730

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To analyze the proposition that China has passed a tipping point where it will dominate the world economy regardless of actions by other nations, we need to consider several factors, including population size, historic economic growth, innovation, and global influence. Here’s a structured approach to this analysis:

 

 1. Population Size

 

China's large population provides a substantial labor force and consumer market. This demographic advantage has historically driven economic growth and can continue to do so.

 

 2. Historic Economic Growth

 

China's GDP growth over the past few decades has been remarkable. Since the late 1970s, China has transitioned from a largely agrarian economy to an industrial and increasingly service-oriented one. This transformation has involved:

- High growth rates: Often exceeding 6% annually.

- Urbanization: Large-scale migration from rural areas to cities.

- Industrialization: Growth in manufacturing and export-led sectors.

 

 3. Innovation

 

China has significantly increased its investment in research and development (R&D) and education, leading to advancements in various high-tech industries:

- Tech Giants: Companies like Huawei, Alibaba, and Tencent are global leaders.

- Patents: China leads the world in patent applications.

- Government Policies: Initiatives like "Made in China 2025" aim to move the country up the value chain.

 

 4. Global Influence

 

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and other global investments expand its economic influence. This global footprint enhances China's ability to shape international economic norms and practices.

 

 Comparative Analysis with Other Nations

 

To determine if China has indeed passed a tipping point, we must compare its position with that of other major economies, primarily the United States and the European Union.

 

 Economic Indicators

 

GDP Comparison (current US dollars):

- China: Approximately $17 trillion (2021)

- USA: Approximately $23 trillion (2021)

- EU: Approximately $17 trillion (2021)

 

GDP Growth Rates:

- China: 6-10% (past decades)

- USA: 2-3%

- EU: 1-2%

 

 Innovation Metrics

 

R&D Expenditure as % of GDP:

- China: 2.4%

- USA: 2.8%

- EU: 2.0%

 

Patent Applications (2021):

- China: 1.5 million

- USA: 600,000

- EU: 300,000

 

 Challenges and Constraints

 

Despite its strengths, China faces several challenges that could impede its dominance:

- Aging Population: The demographic dividend is shrinking due to an aging population.

- Debt Levels: High levels of corporate and local government debt.

- Geopolitical Tensions: Trade wars and political tensions with major economies like the USA.

- Environmental Issues: Pollution and sustainability concerns.

 

 Conclusion

 

While China has made tremendous strides in economic growth, innovation, and global influence, several factors determine whether it has irrevocably passed the tipping point:

 

1. Population and Market Size: China's large population provides a competitive edge.

2. Sustained Economic Growth: China's growth rate, though slowing, remains higher than that of many developed economies.

3. Innovation Drive: Significant investments in R&D and education position China as a leader in technological advancements.

4. Global Strategy: Initiatives like the BRI enhance China’s influence.

 

However, significant challenges such as an aging population, debt levels, and geopolitical tensions could affect its trajectory. While China is well-positioned to be a dominant global economic force, it is not entirely invulnerable to actions by other nations or internal constraints.

 

Thus, while China may be on a path towards significant global economic influence, it is not an absolute certainty that it will dominate regardless of other nations' actions. The interplay of global dynamics, policy decisions, and unforeseen events will continue to shape the future economic landscape.

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Haji 2003

Haji 2003 15,730

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To analyze the potential impact of China's corporate and local government debt on the national government's balance sheet, we need to consider several key financial metrics: the size of the debt, the assets and liabilities of the national government, and the potential scale of bailouts. Here’s a detailed look at these aspects:

 

 1. Corporate and Local Government Debt

 

 Corporate Debt

- Size: As of 2021, China’s corporate debt stood at approximately 160% of GDP. With a GDP of around $17 trillion, this translates to about $27.2 trillion in corporate debt.

 

 Local Government Debt

- Size: Estimates of local government debt vary, but it is generally reported to be around 60% of GDP. This would amount to approximately $10.2 trillion.

 

 2. National Government Assets and Liabilities

 

 Assets

- Foreign Exchange Reserves: China holds the world's largest foreign exchange reserves, approximately $3.2 trillion.

- State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs): The value of assets held by SOEs is substantial, though precise valuation is complex and varies.

- Land and Natural Resources: Significant but difficult to quantify precisely.

 

 Liabilities

- National Debt: China’s national debt is relatively modest compared to its GDP, at around 70% of GDP. This equals approximately $11.9 trillion.

- Other Obligations: Includes unfunded liabilities like pensions and healthcare.

 

 3. Impact of Potential Bailouts

 

 Scale of Potential Bailouts

Assuming a scenario where the national government decides to bailout 30-50% of corporate and local government debt, the financial implications would be:

 

- Corporate Debt Bailout (30-50%): $8.16 trillion to $13.6 trillion.

- Local Government Debt Bailout (30-50%): $3.06 trillion to $5.1 trillion.

- Total Bailout Size: $11.22 trillion to $18.7 trillion.

 

 Impact on National Government Balance Sheet

 

- Pre-Bailout Liabilities: $11.9 trillion (national debt).

- Post-Bailout Liabilities: $23.12 trillion to $30.6 trillion (including the lower and upper ranges of bailout costs).

 

Comparative Analysis:

- Debt-to-GDP Ratio Post-Bailout: 

  - Lower Range: ($23.12 trillion / $17 trillion) ≈ 136%

  - Upper Range: ($30.6 trillion / $17 trillion) ≈ 180%

 

Foreign Exchange Reserves:

- The $3.2 trillion in foreign exchange reserves could be used to partially offset bailout costs, but they would not cover the total amount required.

 

 Summary of Impact

1. National Debt-to-GDP Ratio: A significant increase, potentially more than doubling, which could impact China's credit rating and borrowing costs.

2. Foreign Exchange Reserves: Even if fully utilized, they would only cover a fraction of the bailout needs.

3. Fiscal Space: The government's ability to undertake other expenditures (e.g., infrastructure, social services) would be severely constrained.

4. Economic Stability: The potential increase in national debt could lead to inflationary pressures, devaluation of the currency, and increased financial instability.

 

 Conclusion

The size of China's corporate and local government debt is substantial relative to the national government’s assets and liabilities. A large-scale bailout would significantly impact the national government’s balance sheet, doubling or even tripling the national debt-to-GDP ratio. This scenario underscores the importance of managing corporate and local government debt prudently to avoid severe fiscal consequences.

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Haji 2003

Haji 2003 15,730

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Foreign actors could leverage China's corporate and local government debt to create economic and financial challenges for the Chinese government through various strategies, without resorting to warfare. Here are some potential methods:

 

 1. Capital Flight and Currency Manipulation

- Encourage Capital Flight: Foreign actors could encourage Chinese businesses and wealthy individuals to move their capital out of China. This could be done through policy measures in foreign countries that make it easier for Chinese capital to flow out, such as relaxed investment regulations or attractive investment opportunities.

- Currency Speculation: Speculative attacks on the Chinese yuan (CNY) could lead to currency depreciation, increasing the cost of debt repayment for Chinese entities with foreign-denominated debt.

 

 2. Trade Policies and Sanctions

- Impose Targeted Sanctions: Sanctions on specific Chinese industries or key companies could strain their financial resources, leading to higher default risks.

- Tariffs and Trade Barriers: Increased tariffs or trade barriers on Chinese goods would reduce export revenues, impacting corporate profitability and local government revenues, which are often dependent on local businesses' success.

 

 3. Financial Market Manipulation

- Short Selling: Foreign investors could engage in short selling of Chinese stocks and bonds, driving down their prices and increasing borrowing costs for Chinese companies.

- Credit Rating Downgrades: Lobbying credit rating agencies to downgrade China’s sovereign and corporate credit ratings would increase the cost of borrowing for Chinese entities.

 

 4. Investment Withdrawal and Divestment

- Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Reduction: Reducing or halting FDI into China would slow economic growth, reducing revenues for both corporations and local governments.

- Divestment Campaigns: Encouraging institutional investors to divest from Chinese assets can create liquidity issues and reduce market confidence.

 

 5. Legal and Regulatory Pressure

- Enforce Stringent Regulations: Apply stringent regulatory measures on Chinese companies operating abroad, increasing their operational costs and legal liabilities.

- Intellectual Property (IP) Enforcement: Strengthening IP enforcement and litigation against Chinese companies could lead to significant financial penalties and restrictions on key technologies.

 

 6. Promote Alternatives

- Supply Chain Diversification: Encourage global companies to diversify their supply chains away from China, reducing Chinese corporate revenues.

- Competing Trade Agreements: Establish and promote trade agreements that exclude China, redirecting trade flows and investment to other countries.

 

 7. Public Diplomacy and Information Warfare

- Negative Publicity Campaigns: Spread negative information about China’s economic stability and debt levels to reduce investor confidence and cause market panic.

- Support for Opposition Groups: Financially support groups within China advocating for greater transparency and reforms, potentially leading to political and economic instability.

 

 8. Cyber Operations

- Cyber Attacks on Financial Systems: Conduct cyber operations to disrupt Chinese financial institutions and markets, causing temporary chaos and loss of confidence.

- Theft of Financial Data: Steal sensitive financial information to undermine the confidence of investors and creditors in the stability of Chinese markets.

 

 Potential Consequences

- Economic Slowdown: Reduced investment and higher borrowing costs could slow economic growth, increasing unemployment and social unrest.

- Financial Instability: Increased defaults on corporate and local government debt could lead to a banking crisis.

- Political Pressure: Economic difficulties could increase domestic pressure on the Chinese government, potentially leading to political instability.

 

 Conclusion

Foreign actors have multiple non-military avenues to leverage China’s corporate and local government debt to cause significant economic and financial challenges. These strategies focus on undermining confidence, increasing borrowing costs, and reducing revenue streams for Chinese entities. While effective, these measures could also have global economic repercussions, given China's central role in the world economy.

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         1 comment
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      We are familiar with the concept of divide and rule. I wanted to explore the specific context of leveraging minority groups vs. the majority and I wanted reference to a wider array of examples than what I am familiar with (Muslims and Hindus in India). The prompts given to ChatGPT are in the first reply. Note that this was the Deep Research model that I was using.
      Introduction
      British colonial governance frequently employed a “divide and rule” strategy, wherein colonial authorities identified and co-opted a minority group (often ethnic or religious) to help manage and control a majority population. This tactic appeared in both settler colonies (with European settler minorities or other groups elevated over indigenous majorities) and non-settler colonies (where a local minority elite was empowered under colonial rule). Historians have noted that British imperial administrators deliberately fragmented colonial societies along ethnic lines as a means of sustaining imperial control through fragmentationojs.ahss.org.pk. The political and economic dimensions of this strategy can be observed across the British Empire, from 19th-century India and Africa to post-World War II colonies in Asia and Africa.
      Divide-and-Rule in the 19th Century Empire
      After the Indian Rebellion of 1857, British officials became acutely wary of unified opposition. Policy shifted toward exploiting communal and ethnic divisions. For instance, the British systematically incorporated religious and caste identities into governance – through censuses and legal categories – thereby dividing Indians by communityojs.ahss.org.pk. This deliberate fragmentation served to weaken nationalist unity and solidify colonial dominanceojs.ahss.org.pk. The partition of Bengal in 1905, separating largely Muslim Eastern Bengal from the Hindu-majority west, was ostensibly administrative but in reality aimed at splitting a growing anti-colonial movement along communal linesojs.ahss.org.pk. Likewise, the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909 introduced separate electorates for Muslims, Sikhs, and others, politicizing religious identities and embedding them in the colonial political frameworkojs.ahss.org.pk. While framed as minority protection, such measures in fact weakened broad anti-colonial solidarityojs.ahss.org.pk.
      The British also favored certain minorities in colonial military and civil services for political ends. In India, the colonial army’s recruitment policies after 1857 were tailored to favor so-called “martial races” – communities like Sikhs, Gurkhas, and Punjabi Muslims deemed loyal or apolitical. This “martial races” theory, formally developed post-1857, led to favoring groups that had stayed loyal during the rebellionen.wikipedia.org. By recruiting heavily from these minority groups (often from regions with less education or nationalist fervor), the British created a military force less prone to unite with the majority’s grievancesen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. In Africa, similar patterns emerged. In Uganda, British authorities elevated the Baganda ethnic minority to serve as local administrators over other groups. The colonial government “propped up Baganda agents throughout the protectorate” as enforcers of British ruledhlurker.wordpress.com. As one historian put it, the Baganda became “the cruel arm of the British,” enforcing colonial order on rival peoplesdhlurker.wordpress.com. This generated deep resentments, but it secured British political control by preventing a unified resistance. In the Caribbean, after the abolition of slavery, the importation of indentured labor (e.g. Indians in Trinidad and Guyana) created new ethnic divisions. Colonial officials often played Indian and Afro-Caribbean communities against each other in labor and politics, entrenching a divided society that eased British economic management of the plantation colonies (an echo of divide-and-rule, albeit in a demographic engineering form).
      20th Century and Postwar Examples
      In the 20th century, as anti-colonial nationalism grew, the British continued to leverage minority collaborations. In Cyprus under British rule, the colonial authorities frequently stoked tensions between the Greek majority and Turkish minority. By encouraging the Turkish Cypriot minority to oppose Greek Cypriot nationalist demands, the British effectively neutralized a united front for independenceen.wikipedia.org. This policy of pitting communities against each other had long-term consequences: it deepened inter-ethnic animosity and contributed to the island’s postcolonial divisionen.wikipedia.org. In Ceylon (Sri Lanka), British colonial administration favored the Tamil minority (largely Hindu and mostly in the north) in education and civil service employment, leading to a disproportionately Tamil bureaucratic elite by independenceatlasinstitute.org. This was partly an economic choice – Tamils, especially from the Jaffna region, eagerly embraced English education – but it had political effects. The Sinhalese majority came to resent this perceived British-engineered advantage, which later fueled ethnic conflict. A 1956 Sinhala-Only language policy after independence directly attacked the legacy of Tamil over-representation in government, illustrating how colonial favoritism toward a minority sowed postcolonial strifeatlasinstitute.org.
      Even in settler-dominated colonies, British rule rested on minority dominance. In Southern Rhodesia (modern Zimbabwe), for example, colonial policy explicitly empowered the small white settler community. As late as the 1950s, fewer than 5% of the population (Europeans) controlled the legislature and economy, with British approval – a “blatantly racialist policy” of minority rule over the African majoritymarxists.org. In Kenya, during the 1950s Mau Mau Emergency, the British colonial government enlisted loyalist African auxiliaries drawn largely from minority groups or splinter factions of the Kikuyu tribe to combat the predominantly Kikuyu insurgentscambridge.org. These “loyalist” collaborators were armed and given economic incentives (land, jobs) to support British forcescambridge.org. The effect was to turn African against African, undermining the Mau Mau rebellion by dividing the Kikuyu community and aligning other ethnic groups (such as the Embu and Meru) with colonial authorities. Economically, too, the British often tilted access to commerce or land toward certain groups. In colonial East Africa, Asians (especially Indians brought by the British for commerce and railways) formed an intermediate minority class that the British empowered in trade and administration. This created a profitable economic buffer between British capital and African peasants, but also fomented inter-ethnic economic jealousies that lasted into the postcolonial eramarxists.org.
      Conclusion
      Across both settler and non-settler colonial contexts, these examples support the proposition that British colonialism habitually governed through minority proxies. By allying with, and often privileging, a minority group – whether an ethnic subset of the colonized population or a settler oligarchy – the British crafted a political order that checked the majority and made rebellion more difficult. This strategy yielded short-term stability and facilitated economic extraction, as compliant minority partners helped administer colonies and suppress majority dissent. However, the legacy was deeply divisive: colonial policies amplified ethnic cleavagesen.wikipedia.orgojs.ahss.org.pk, and the “divide and rule”approach frequently carried over into postcolonial politicsen.wikipedia.orgdhlurker.wordpress.com, fueling communal conflicts and power struggles long after the end of British rule. The British Empire’s use of minority collaborators, therefore, stands as a central political and economic tool of imperial control – one whose repercussions are still evident in many former colonies’ social and political fault lines.
    • Haji 2003
      Large numbers of people living comfortably, in close proximity & in harmony
      By Haji 2003 in Contemporania
         0 comments
      Chongqing in 2025
       
      TLDR
      Chinese economic success has many contributory factors. I argue that one of these has been the ability of the country to enable large numbers of its population to live comfortably, in close proximity and in harmony. This particular cause for success will be hard for any other country to achieve.
      Introduction
      People talk about various reasons for economic performance. I think population density has something to do with it. This is Chongqing, for a European person, what (literally stands out) are the skyscrapers (for housing).
      International comparisons
      So how does this compare internationally? The chart below has comparisons. Various western countries are right at the bottom and well below Chongqing.
      On the other hand there are others which are far more densely populated, but in the case of Mumbai, that's partly due to slums (so 'comfortably' is crossed out) and in the case of Karachi, 'harmony' is crossed out.

      Benefits of the population density criteria
      Why are these criteria about large numbers of people living in close proximity and in harmony important?
      It's because you start to get various benefits compared to more scattered populations. Public transport becomes more efficient as does the provision of various other public services. We rode on the Chongqing mass transit railway mid-week during day and it was very busy. At this time the London Underground is fairly quiet. This allows their system to charge very low fares.
      All of this drives down the cost of living, which then results in people living more comfortably on lower wages and being more internationally competitive. For comparison the metro area population of Chongqing is 18m and that of London is half that.
      Comfortably
      This criterion deals with issues around quality of life and for which reason, Mumbai in India and also Delhi have problems:
      Chen J, Chu S, Chungbaek Y, et al. Effect of modelling slum populations on influenza spread in Delhi. BMJ Open 2016;6:e011699. doi: 10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011699
      If people are overcrowded and have poor sanitation etc. the high population density will not deliver benefits.
      Harmony
      This refers to crime, vandalism and various forms of anti-social behaviour. The problem with achieving harmony is not confined to the developing world. The diffculty Britain has always had is harmony in social housing (for the less well off). Crime and anti-social behaviour had always been a problem and even before immigrants could be blamed for it. @Northwest
      Living in the west we have been taught to be averse to the levels of social control the Chinese Communist Party exerts on its local population. But it's likely that this is one of the ways that you get harmony. 
      Conclusion
      What the Communist Party of China has been able to engineer over the past several decades in the fields of technology and industrialisation is complemented by the focus on the social fabric. Many features of the latter would be considered a restriction on freedoms in various parts of the world and that is one of the reasons why they will be so hard to duplicate. But they do deliver various social and economic benefits that will also be hard to achieve using alternative social policies.
       

      Spot the CCTV cameras
    • Haji 2003
      Returning factory jobs to the US
      By Haji 2003 in Contemporania - AI enhanced
         0 comments
      Prompt to chatGPT
      The Fetishisation of the Tool Shop: Blue-Collar Nostalgia in American Culture and Politics
      The American cultural imagination has long romanticised blue-collar labour, particularly the imagery associated with factories, workshops, and tool benches. From Norman Rockwell’s wartime paintings of riveters to modern television portrayals like American Chopper or Dirty Jobs, the aesthetics of physical labour are celebrated as the backbone of national identity. Yet this symbolic reverence often exists in tension with economic realities, particularly in the context of late-stage industrial decline and political appeals to restore lost manufacturing greatness—an agenda revitalised in the rhetoric of a potential second Trump administration.
      At the heart of this fetishisation lies a cultural narrative about authenticity, masculinity, and self-reliance. Blue-collar workers are routinely cast as moral avatars in a fractured nation—a trope that Laurie Ouellette (2014) explores in her analysis of reality television. Shows like Dirty Jobs offer what she calls “an affective mapping of neoliberal labour,” simultaneously celebrating manual work while displacing systemic critiques of deindustrialisation (Ouellette, 2014, Television & New Media). This aligns with the visual economy of blue-collar imagery, from Dorothea Lange’s Depression-era portraits to campaign trail photos of candidates in hard hats and rolled-up sleeves—an image that persists even as the jobs themselves have disappeared or transformed beyond recognition.
      The persistence of this imagery has been theorised as a form of “cultural lag,” where symbolic frameworks outlive the material conditions they once represented (Swidler, 1986, American Sociological Review). Blue-collar labour, in this sense, becomes more myth than reality—a backdrop for both nostalgia and political mobilisation. Donald Trump’s first presidential campaign capitalised on this disconnect with remarkable acuity, promising a revival of U.S. manufacturing that many economists considered unfeasible due to global supply chains, automation, and cost pressures (Autor, Dorn & Hanson, 2016, American Economic Review). A potential second Trump administration has revived this language with even more vigour, invoking “repatriation” of industry as a nationalist cause rather than an economic strategy.
      Yet, empirical evidence suggests that such repatriation is largely symbolic. As Edward Alden of the Council on Foreign Relations argues, “the vast majority of manufacturing jobs lost in the U.S. are gone not because of offshoring, but because of technological change” (Alden, 2020, Foreign Affairs). The emphasis on factories and shop floors thus functions more as political theatre than policy blueprint. Manufacturing jobs are lionised not for their economic centrality but for their mythic value in what Arlie Hochschild (2016) calls the “deep story” of American decline—a narrative in which white, male, industrial workers are cast as the rightful protagonists of the national drama.
      In conclusion, the tool shop is less a workplace than a stage set in the ongoing performance of American identity. As cultural artefact, it signifies resilience and dignity; as political symbol, it disguises structural transformation and economic dislocation. Understanding this dual function is essential to unpacking the symbolic economy of blue-collar labour—and the political futures it continues to animate.
      References
      Alden, E. (2020). "Can America Regain Its Industrial Base?" Foreign Affairs.
      Autor, D., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. (2016). "The China Shock: Learning from Labor Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade." American Economic Review, 106(10), 2121–2168.
      Hochschild, A. R. (2016). Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right. The New Press.
      Ouellette, L. (2014). "Lifestyle Television and the Politics of Its Time." Television & New Media, 15(5), 395–412.
      Swidler, A. (1986). "Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies." American Sociological Review, 51(2), 273–286.

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