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Self-control


Summary

This post is based on western academic literature on self-control. We will see that self-control by individuals is used to fight desire and can depend on principles, a monitoring process and personal capability (willpower). Willpower can vary between individuals, but it can be developed.

Self control vs. desire

In this 1991 paper by Stephen Hoch and George Loewenstein:

http://www.cmu.edu/dietrich/sds/docs/loewenstein/TimeInconsistConSelf.pdf

it’s argued that consumption decisions are the result of an inner fight and depend on which of two strengths prevails: self-control or desire. One definition of self-control in this context is “the self’s capacity to alter its own states and responses”, courtesy of Roy Baumeister at the University of Michigan:

http://www-personal.umich.edu/~prestos/Downloads/DC/10-28_Baumeister2002.pdf

What does self-control involve?

Self-control can involve regulating impulses and resisting temptation. Referring again to the paper by Baumeister we have the idea that impulsive behaviour is characterised by people acting in an unintended or spontaneous way that over-rides a more cognitive or thoughtful basis for actions.

Sometimes the reasons why people act in an impulsive manner is because they prefer having smaller gains earlier in time than waiting for larger gains. Baumeister also points out that people can subsequently regret giving in to temptation. In contrast self-discipline involves a trade-off between short and long term happiness. This paper by Janet Metcalfe in the Psychological Review gives more details:

http://www.columbia.edu/cu/psychology/metcalfe/PDFs/Metcalfe Mischel 1999.pdf

Why does self-control breakdown?

Baumeister refers to self-control having three components, principles, a monitoring process, and the capability of changing the self’s behaviour. The latter is crucial for effective self-control: even if someone knows his goals and is quite conscious of his comportment, he might not possess the ability to change his actions correspondingly.

The breakdown of self-discipline is said to happen where someone is not sure of what they want. Emotional distress is also associated with failures of self-control. Mark Muraven has more information here:

http://persweb.wabash.edu/facstaff/hortonr/articles for class/Muraven self-regulatoin.pdf

Where people do not keep track of their behaviour, self-control also becomes more difficult to achieve. This paper by Janet Polivy considers the issue in terms of eating behaviour:

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/3723339

Willpower

The capability to change your behaviour can be thought of as willpower. The level of willpower can vary some studies, using experiments, have shown willpower to be something which can be depleted – ego depletion.

Quote

According to the strength model, self-control is a finite resource that determines capacity for effortful control over dominant responses and, once expended, leads to impaired self-control task performance, known as ego depletion. A meta-analysis of 83 studies tested the effect of ego depletion on task performance and related outcomes, alternative explanations and moderators of the effect, and additional strength model hypotheses. Results revealed a significant effect of ego depletion on self-control task performance. 

Hagger, M.S., Wood, C., Stiff, C. and Chatzisarantis, N.L., 2010. Ego depletion and the strength model of self-control: a meta-analysis. Psychological bulletin, 136(4), p.495.

Self-control can be seen as a cognitive process, similar to software that can be programmed so as to control a person’s behaviour (Baumeister 2002). It can also be seen as a state or a trait. A trait is a stable individual attribute whereas a state is affected by the immediate context (Ein-Gar, Goldenberg & Sagiv 2012). This paper  by Malte Friese, takes the trait approach:

http://www.uni-saarland.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Professoren/fr53_ProfFriese/Publikationen_Malte/FH_2009_trait_self_control.pdf

Different individuals possess different levels of relatively stable innate self-control. People with high degrees of self-control have been found fewer psychological and emotional problems, such as in this research by June Tangney:

Quote

‘Higher scores on self-control correlated with a higher grade point average, better adjustment (fewer reports of psychopathology, higher self-esteem), less binge eating and alcohol abuse, better relationships and interpersonal skills, secure attachment, and more optimal emotional responses’.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15016066

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      Background
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      British colonial governance frequently employed a “divide and rule” strategy, wherein colonial authorities identified and co-opted a minority group (often ethnic or religious) to help manage and control a majority population. This tactic appeared in both settler colonies (with European settler minorities or other groups elevated over indigenous majorities) and non-settler colonies (where a local minority elite was empowered under colonial rule). Historians have noted that British imperial administrators deliberately fragmented colonial societies along ethnic lines as a means of sustaining imperial control through fragmentationojs.ahss.org.pk. The political and economic dimensions of this strategy can be observed across the British Empire, from 19th-century India and Africa to post-World War II colonies in Asia and Africa.
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      TLDR
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      Spot the CCTV cameras
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      Prompt to chatGPT
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      The persistence of this imagery has been theorised as a form of “cultural lag,” where symbolic frameworks outlive the material conditions they once represented (Swidler, 1986, American Sociological Review). Blue-collar labour, in this sense, becomes more myth than reality—a backdrop for both nostalgia and political mobilisation. Donald Trump’s first presidential campaign capitalised on this disconnect with remarkable acuity, promising a revival of U.S. manufacturing that many economists considered unfeasible due to global supply chains, automation, and cost pressures (Autor, Dorn & Hanson, 2016, American Economic Review). A potential second Trump administration has revived this language with even more vigour, invoking “repatriation” of industry as a nationalist cause rather than an economic strategy.
      Yet, empirical evidence suggests that such repatriation is largely symbolic. As Edward Alden of the Council on Foreign Relations argues, “the vast majority of manufacturing jobs lost in the U.S. are gone not because of offshoring, but because of technological change” (Alden, 2020, Foreign Affairs). The emphasis on factories and shop floors thus functions more as political theatre than policy blueprint. Manufacturing jobs are lionised not for their economic centrality but for their mythic value in what Arlie Hochschild (2016) calls the “deep story” of American decline—a narrative in which white, male, industrial workers are cast as the rightful protagonists of the national drama.
      In conclusion, the tool shop is less a workplace than a stage set in the ongoing performance of American identity. As cultural artefact, it signifies resilience and dignity; as political symbol, it disguises structural transformation and economic dislocation. Understanding this dual function is essential to unpacking the symbolic economy of blue-collar labour—and the political futures it continues to animate.
      References
      Alden, E. (2020). "Can America Regain Its Industrial Base?" Foreign Affairs.
      Autor, D., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. (2016). "The China Shock: Learning from Labor Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade." American Economic Review, 106(10), 2121–2168.
      Hochschild, A. R. (2016). Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right. The New Press.
      Ouellette, L. (2014). "Lifestyle Television and the Politics of Its Time." Television & New Media, 15(5), 395–412.
      Swidler, A. (1986). "Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies." American Sociological Review, 51(2), 273–286.
         0 comments
      Introduction
      I asked the reasoning version of ChatGPT the following two questions (in the quotation box).
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      @Northwest

      TLDR
      The proposition that an Islamic-oriented society—with religious reservations about dog ownership—places a greater emphasis on human-human relationships than dog-friendly societies finds support in cross-cultural consumer research and Islamic marketing scholarship. The religious designation of dogs as impure curtails intensive anthropomorphic tendencies, leading consumers in Islamic contexts to channel social and emotional resources primarily toward family, friends, and community members. Consequently, marketing strategies and consumer behaviors in these contexts underscore interpersonal bonds, charitable obligations, and group cohesion rather than pet-centric consumption.
      By contrast, in societies that celebrate and encourage dog ownership, anthropomorphism significantly shapes consumer behavior, often shifting a portion of emotional and financial resources to human-dog relationships. These differences highlight how deeply cultural and religious frameworks influence the scope and nature of anthropomorphism, delineating the ways consumers allocate their relational capital between human and non-human companions.
       

      1. Anthropomorphism and Relationship Substitution
      Pet Humanization in Secular or Dog-Friendly Societies
      In many societies that promote dog ownership, there is a pronounced tendency to anthropomorphize pets—assigning them human-like traits and emotions (Epley, Waytz, & Cacioppo, 2007; Journal of Consumer Research). Pet ownership often translates into emotional bonds that parallel, or sometimes even substitute for, human-human connections. For example, Belk (2013; Journal of Consumer Research) discusses how dogs are seen as “extensions of the self,” enabling individuals to fulfill social, emotional, and identity-related needs. In marketing contexts, this humanization of pets manifests as substantial expenditures (e.g., premium dog food, grooming, dog-friendly travel) and even the creation of communities around pet ownership.
      Religious and Cultural Boundaries in Islamic Contexts
      Islamic teachings often classify dogs as najis (impure), especially concerning their saliva, leading to social and religious restrictions on close physical interactions (Alhussain & Thakur, 2019; Journal of Islamic Marketing, Emerald). While not all Muslims adhere to the same level of strictness (diversity exists across regions and jurisprudential schools), in many contexts, dog ownership is minimized or relegated to functional roles (e.g., guard dogs, herding), reducing the emotional human-pet bond. Anthropomorphism, thus, is largely muted. This diminished emphasis on dog-human relationships can redirect emotional and social energies toward more robust human-human ties, as there is little inclination to invest in a being commonly viewed as “impure” within a domestic setting (Ibrahim & Al Kamdah, 2020; Journal of Islamic Marketing).
      2. Emphasis on Human-Human Relations
      Communal and Familial Bonds
      Several studies on Muslim consumer behavior note a pronounced focus on family cohesion, kinship obligations, and community welfare (Wilson & Grant, 2013; Journal of Islamic Marketing; Emerald). This cultural emphasis is partly derived from key Islamic principles like ummah (community) and zakat (almsgiving). Since dogs are not typically incorporated as household companions, the emotional investment that might be directed toward pets is instead often channeled into human relationships—strengthening family ties, neighborhood communities, and broader social networks. Social gatherings, frequent family visits, and kin-based reciprocity form the core of daily life (Jafari & Goulding, 2008; Consumption, Markets & Culture, Taylor & Francis).
      Social Interaction Rituals
      Societies that discourage dog ownership frequently invest in elaborate human-centric rituals: communal prayers, frequent visits to relatives, large-scale cultural festivals such as Eid, and extended family gatherings (Essoo & Dibb, 2004; European Journal of Marketing). These rituals encourage sustained human-human interaction. By contrast, in dog-friendly contexts, social rituals often include pet-oriented activities—visits to dog parks, “puppy parties,” or dog adoption events—showcasing how some communal bonding can revolve around animals rather than solely around human interaction (Holbrook & Woodside, 2008; Journal of Business Research, Elsevier).
      3. Consumer Behavior Implications
      Expenditure Flows
      Dog-Friendly Societies: A significant proportion of household expenditures—such as premium dog food, veterinary care, and leisure activities—can be allocated to pets (Hirschman, 1994; Journal of Consumer Research). Over time, this fosters an entire “pet economy,” often reinforced by emotional satisfaction drawn from anthropomorphized relationships with dogs.
      Islamic-Oriented Societies: Due to religious constraints, there is limited demand for dog-centric products and services. Instead, expenditures that might have been channeled toward pet care could be redirected toward communal obligations (e.g., charitable giving, gifts to family, social events). The consumer culture thus prioritizes human welfare, strengthening what might be viewed as social capital within human networks (Jafari & Goulding, 2008; Consumption, Markets & Culture).
      Marketplace Signaling and Sociocultural Values
      Signaling Communal Responsibility: Consumers in Islamic contexts may signal piety and communal commitment through active participation in social events or charitable acts, reflecting a cultural script that values direct human welfare (Wilson & Grant, 2013; Journal of Islamic Marketing).
      Signaling Affection for Pets: In Western or dog-friendly contexts, owning a pampered dog can signal care, empathy, and a nurturing personality, reinforcing a sense of belonging in communities of pet lovers (Belk, 1988; Journal of Consumer Research). Marketers leverage anthropomorphism in advertising, depicting dogs as “family members” to appeal to consumers’ emotional investment in pets (Waytz, Cacioppo, & Epley, 2010; Trends in Cognitive Sciences).
      4. Societal and Cultural Outcomes
      Stronger Intra-Human Bonds in Islamic Contexts
      The proposition that Islamic-oriented societies have a stronger emphasis on human-human relationships can be understood through the lens of “resource allocation” in consumer behavior. With limited scope for dog-human emotional or social investment, individuals are more inclined to strengthen kin networks, community relations, and collective identity (Ibrahim & Al Kamdah, 2020). This focus on human-centered relationships is further reinforced by religious teachings promoting empathy, community service, and direct human engagement over companionship with creatures deemed ritually impure (Alhussain & Thakur, 2019).
      Diverse Relationship Portfolios in Dog-Friendly Societies
      In societies where dogs occupy central roles in households, individuals often have “relationship portfolios” that include significant non-human elements (Belk, 2013). Emotional fulfillment, social activities, and even identity expression can revolve around pet ownership, potentially substituting or complementing human-human connections. While this can enrich daily life for pet owners, critics argue it may diminish time and investment in broader community involvement (Holbrook & Woodside, 2008; Hirschman, 1994).
       
      Key References
      Alhussain, T., & Thakur, R. (2019). Religious beliefs and consumer behavior: A conceptual framework and research propositions. Journal of Islamic Marketing, 10(3), 948–962. [Emerald]
      Belk, R. W. (1988). Possessions and the extended self. Journal of Consumer Research, 15(2), 139–168. [University of Chicago Press]
      Belk, R. W. (2013). Extended self in a digital world. Journal of Consumer Research, 40(3), 477–500. [University of Chicago Press]
      Epley, N., Waytz, A., & Cacioppo, J. T. (2007). On seeing human: A three-factor theory of anthropomorphism. Psychological Review, 114(4), 864–886. [APA; frequently cited in marketing and consumer research]
      Essoo, N., & Dibb, S. (2004). Religious influences on shopping behaviour: An exploratory study. European Journal of Marketing, 38(5/6), 536–553. [Emerald]
      Hirschman, E. C. (1994). Consumers and their animal companions. Journal of Consumer Research, 20(4), 616–631. [Oxford University Press for the Association for Consumer Research]
      Holbrook, M. B., & Woodside, A. G. (2008). Animal companions, consumption experiences, and the marketing of pets: Transcending boundaries in the animal-human distinction. Journal of Business Research, 61(5), 377–381. [Elsevier]
      Ibrahim, B., & Al Kamdah, A. (2020). Exploring the Islamic marketing ethics from macro and consumer behaviour perspectives. Journal of Islamic Marketing, 11(5), 1295–1312. [Emerald]
      Jafari, A., & Goulding, C. (2008). “We are not terrorists!” UK-based Iranians, consumption practices and the ‘torn self.’ Consumption, Markets & Culture, 11(2), 73–91. [Taylor & Francis]
      Wilson, J. A. J., & Grant, J. (2013). Islamic marketing – A challenger to the classical marketing canon? Journal of Islamic Marketing, 4(1), 7–21. [Emerald]
      Waytz, A., Cacioppo, J. T., & Epley, N. (2010). Who sees human? The stability and importance of individual differences in anthropomorphism. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5(3), 219–232. [SAGE, frequently cited in consumer research]
      These references illustrate how socio-religious norms and cultural frameworks (particularly in Islamic contexts) shape the nature and direction of anthropomorphism and, consequently, influence where consumers channel their social and emotional investment—ultimately affirming the proposition that Islamic-oriented societies often place a stronger emphasis on human-human relations.
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