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[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 1

Synopsis

-The relationship between the Qur'an and the Imams [AS]
-The Divine nature of the Qur'an
-The purpose of revelation
-Aspects of the Qur'an that affect Shi'ah Islam
-Mutashabih Verses
-The Process of interpretation of the Qur'an
-Those Verses of the Qur'an that are important for Shi'i Islam

The Qur’an as the foundational document for Shi’i Islam

The Relationship between the Qur'an and the Imams [AS]

The Qur’an plays a similar role for other schools of thought in Islam but in a number of ways the Qur’an is the point of departure. The status of the Imams [AS] – the infallible and divinely appointed successors to the Prophet [SAW] – are his successors but they also have an integral relation to the Qur’an itself. It might even be said that in the first place the status of the Imams [AS] is determined by this particular relationship to the Qur’an and secondarily to the fact that they are chronologically the successors to most of the functions of the Prophet [SAW]. By way of illustration of this contention we can cite one of the well known traditions of the Prophet [SAW] that is found in not only Shi’i but also in Sunni books of tradition. Many of the traditions of the Prophet [SAW] that are found in Shi’i books are also found in Sunni books. The Prophet [SAW] is reported to have said:-

‘I leave among you two precious and weighty trusts The Book of God (Qur’an) and my Progeny, these two legacies will never be separated from one another, if you lay hold of them you will never go astray.’

The Prophet [SAW] before his departure from the world addresses the Muslims and says that he has left two precious items - the Book of God and his Progeny – and he continues to say that these two will not be separated from each other, in other words there is an integral and essential relationship between the Qur’an and the progeny, the family, the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] – they can never be separated from each other. A number of conclusions can be draw from this:-

-The essential error from the point of view of Sunni Muslims in the course of history is to disregard or not to take enough heed of this essential and integral relationship between the Qur’an and the progeny and offspring of the Prophet [SAW]. To bring in a contemporary note – Imam Khomaini in his last will and testament began by mentioning this hadith precisely, and went on to mention that all the disasters and misfortunes that have beset the Muslims have come from ignoring this link between the Book of Allah [SWT] and the family of the Prophet [SAW]. (to ascribe a complex history to a single factor may appear to be questionable). From the Shi’i point of view these two belong together and if a separation occurs then there would be consequences.

This hadith is called ‘hadith thaqalain’ in Arabic the word thaqalain is a dual noun (i.e. ascribed to two things) therefore the meaning being two weighty things. In confirmation of this hadith is another hadith in which the Prophet [SAW] is reported to have said the following:-

‘ ‘Ali [AS] is always with the Qur’an and the Qur’an is always with ‘Ali’

The first hadith (thaqalain) is a general statement concerning the totality of the family of the Prophet [SAW]. The second is a more specific statement denoting the relationship between Imam ‘Ali [AS] and the Qur’an.

The Divine Nature of The Qur'an

From the point of view of Islam the Qur’an is integrally and exclusively the Divine Word, in other words it is not an inspired text the content of which has been infused into the consciousness of the Prophet [SAW] for him then to express with words of his own choosing, rather it is in its entirety – content and form of Divine Origin. The Prophet [SAW] has no share in the Qur’an except its reception, its faithful transmission, its exemplification in his own life, and its interpretation. The words that are used in the Qur’anic texts to describe it are the following two. Firstly the Qur’an is described as ‘tanzil’ which you can translate into English as ‘revelation’ however the imagery used in the two words is different. ‘Revelation’ implies the revelation of something by the seekers of it, whereas ‘tanzil’ implies descending down. The Qur’an is something that is ‘sent down’, and this is referred to in the noun and the verb and recurs frequently in the Qur’an. ‘Sent down’ not in the spacial sense but in the sense of being sent from the Divine to the human plain. It is a book the origins of which lie beyond the human plane and it has been sent down to the human plane. It is the Divine Word – eternal in nature, which has been clothed in the attributes of a human language, the Arabic language, at a certain point in history.

The other word is ‘wahy’ – which you can also translate as revelation in English. ‘wahy’ is the conveyance of each portion of the Qur’anic message to the Prophet [SAW] at a given time, the etymological sense of the word wahy is a secret or hidden communication. Secret and hidden in the sense not that it is being arbitrarily concealed from other than the Prophet [SAW] but simply in the sense that revelation is an experience of its own type which is not capable of being experienced or observed in any way by other than the Prophet [SAW] himself. So we say that the Qur’an is ‘wahy’ and ‘tanzil’ – revelation in these two senses. Given this belief or assertion about the Qur’an a number of other conclusions or assertions or rather essential doctrines about the Qur’an follow:-

-The Qur’an is only the Qur’an in Arabic – there are a number of verses in which the Qur’an has been described as being sent down in a clear Arabic tongue. The purpose of this is not to restrict in any way the scope of the Qur’anic message or the preaching of Islam. On the contrary there are verses that speak of the universal appeal and address of Islam. The mention of Arabic in the Qur’an is exclusively with respect to the language of the text itself. For it follows that if the linguistic container as well as the content are of Divine Origin – once a translation takes place from Arabic into any other language, there is the intervention of a human element (the translation however is not an invalid or a forbidden exercise – from the very earliest times the Qur’an has been translated in whole or in part, it is very probable that the very first translations may have occurred in the life time of the Prophet [SAW] himself). What it does mean however is that translations that lead to understanding, cannot be substitutes for the original, which is in Arabic.

-Another corollary of the integrally Divine nature of the Qur’an is the ‘miraculous inimitability’ i’ijaz – human authors other than the Divine author are incapable of producing the like of the Qur’an either in part or in whole. There are a number of challenges in the Qur’an to those contemporaries of the Prophet [SAW] who rejected the revelation, challenges to them to produce the like of a small part of the Qur’an or even a small number of verses comparable to the Qur’an itself. There are aspects to the ‘i’ijaz’ for example the complete lack of any internal inconsistency or contradiction in the Qur’an. The Qur’an was revealed to the Prophet [SAW] over a period of 23 years, and it is a reasonable assumption that any book of human composition the writing of which stretched out over 23 years would exhibit some evidence of change, inconsistency or contradiction, quite simply because of the mutability of human thought and inclinations, the limitations of human memory, changes of human perspective – all of this will result in the introduction of change and inconsistency into the text in question. Whereas the Qur’an claims in (4:82), that if it (the Qur’an) were from other than Allah [SWT] then men would find in it much inconsistency:-

‘Do they not consider the Qur’an (with care)? Had it been from other than Allah, they would have surely found therein much discrepancy.’ (4:82)

A number of non-Muslim scholars claim that there is inconsistency in the Qur’an. And it is to the resolution of apparent inconsistencies that many of the scholars, commentators (exegetes) of the Qur’an have turned most commonly in the Shi’i tradition. From the point of view of Muslims – shi’ah and Sunni the Qur’an is a seamless and has no contradictions.

The integrity and preservation of the text – not only Sunni and Shi’ah, but various subgroups in Islam have disagreed on a number of subjects and continue to disagree. One of the few matters on which all schools of thought in Islam have agreed is the integrity of the Qur’anic text. We do not have in Islam any problems concerning the authenticity of the Qur’anic text as preserved and transmitted from the earliest period. This is indicated not only by history – or better to say the ‘absence’ of history of the Qur’anic text but also by (15:9) of the Qur’an where Allah [SWT] says:-

‘We have, without doubt, sent down the Message; and We will assuredly guard it (from corruption)’ (15:9)

The integrity of the text of the Qur’an is important because of the finality of the Qur’anic message. If the Qur’an is to be the final revelation – the final scriptural revelation of the Divine Will to mankind, then it follows that it must necessarily be preserved in its integrity. If it were subject to loss or distortion, additions or subtractions being made from it – then its status as a final revelation would suffer, we have the description of the Messenger in (33:40):-

‘Muhammad is not the father of any of your men, but (he is) the Messenger of Allah, and the Seal of the Prophets and Allah has full knowledge of all things’ (33:40)

The Prophet [SAW] is the ‘Messenger’ of Allah [SWT] and the ‘Seal’ of the Prophets. ‘Seal’ in a number of important senses most obviously in that he is the last, chronologically, in a series of messengers who came to mankind. Also in the sense – that he brings to an end and places his seal of authority upon the entire series of Messengers that preceded him.

The Purpose of Revelation

The purpose of revelation – the Qur’an and the revelations that preceded it. There are a number of key words that you can take from the Qur’an itself –  first of all the word of ‘guidance’. Guidance is on of the important semantic components of the Qur’an – the word ‘guidance’ and the nouns and verbs derived from it. An example is (17:9):-

‘Verily this Qur’an doth guide to that which it most right (or stable) and giveth the glad tidings to the Believers who work deeds of righteousness, that they shall have a magnificent reward.’ (17:9)

The Qur’an is a guide to the ‘straight path’. The ‘straight path’ may varyingly be understood as the path of moral rectitude which leads to man’s happiness in this world and the hereafter. At a different level it can be thought of as a path which leads to a direct perception of the Divine Presence or to put it somewhat differently it is the path which leads to the fulfilment of man’s ultimate purpose which is the knowledge of his Creator. In order to understand the term in a little greater detail or profundity we can refer to another verse (20:50)

‘He said: ‘Our Lord is He Who gave to each (created) thing its form  and nature, and further, gave (it) guidance.’ (20:50)

The giving of guidance is not exclusive to man, indeed man receives guidance through for example the scriptural revelations given to mankind. But all things (kulli Shayy) receive a form of Divine Guidance, they receive a physical form which sets them apart from other things, and they also receive a kind of guidance. That guidance does not necessarily involve moral choice but an inherent direction towards the purpose for which they were created. Inanimate objects are also guided, that is that they have inherent in them supplementing their material shape and form, guidance which guides them towards the purpose for which they were created.

Also important in the conceptual world of the Qur’an is the concept of reminder/remembrance. The Qur’an describes itself in (68:52) as a reminder for all the worlds:-

‘But it is nothing less that a Message to all the worlds.’ (68:52)

The word used is dhikr – the Qur’an is in itself a reminder, aswell as encouraging men, impelling them to remember. What is implied here? In the same way that man without guidance would be in a state of misguidance, without remembrance he would necessarily be in a state of forgetfulness. One may deduce from the verses in which ‘dhikr’ is mentioned is that man were it not for the revelation of the Qur’an and the practices and beliefs that spring from the Qur’an, man would be in a state of forgetfulness. The Qur’an is a guidance to rescue man from a state of wandering and to orient him towards his true purpose, likewise the Qur’an is that which rescues him from a state or forgetfulness and induces in him a state of remembrance. Remembrance and forgetfulness of what? Primarily of the reality of his Lord and his Creator of his own origins and his destiny in the Hereafter to which he will be directed. From these two terms we may deduce some of the essential purposes of the Qur’an (guidance and remembrance). Each in turn has a number of further implications. We can say for example that the very fundamental rite of Islam – the daily prayer embodies both of these. It is guidance in the sense that it orients man clearly and repeatedly in the direction of His Lord, it is also a reminder and removes him from that state of forgetfulness in which his worldly existence otherwise plunges him.

Aspects of the Qur’an that affect Shi’i Islam

The Qur’an is in its very nature a Divine book – it can be regarded in some sense as a confluence of the Divine and the human, it is Divine Word expressed in a human language. And precisely by it’s being caused to descend from a higher to a lower plane, from the Divine to the human, then necessarily this must be, for it to be understood, it must be a book that is capable of being understood. A Divine revelation that resists and forbids understanding is in the nature of things a contradiction in terms. Allah [SWT] has no need for His revelation, it is humans that stand in need of the revelation and therefore once that revelation is made it must be made comprehensible to humans. The question that arises is the mode of understanding the revelation – what is involved in understanding and interpreting the revelation? Here a number of points are to be made.

The primary instructor in the understanding of the Qur’an, the first authority or aid is the Prophet [SAW] himself. In (62:2) Allah [SWT] says:-

‘It is He Who has sent amongst the Unlettered (those who had not previously received revelation) a messenger from among themselves, to rehearse to them His Signs, to sanctify them, and to instruct them in Scripture and Wisdom – although they had been, before in manifest error –‘ (62:2)

The operative phrase here is ‘teaches them the book’, ‘yu ‘allimuhum al-kitab’. The Prophet does not simply convey to them the book, he is the primary teacher and instructor of the Qur’an. From the point of view of Shi’i Islam one of the functions of the Prophet that is inherited or perpetuated in the persons of the Imams is precisely this, ‘to teach them the book’. They have as suggested by the hadith quoted at the outset a particular relationship with the book. It is they who are inseparably joined to the book, therefore the understanding of the Qur’an by the Imams, from among the descendants of the Prophet [SAW], has a degree of authority comparable to the authority of the Prophet [SAW] himself with respect to the understanding of the book. This does not mean to say that there is no possible understanding of the Qur’an in any respect without reference to the Imams [AS] of Shi’i belief. It does however mean that they have a certain position of primacy with respect to other potential sources of knowledge. This is a matter of general principle, how does this work out in practise? And what are those matters which in particular require the attention of interpreters? After all the Qur’an describes itself as a clear book (kitab al-Mubin).

Mutashabih (allegorical) Verses

A great deal of the Qur’an is immediately comprehensible without external exegetical effort. What are those matters where exegetical views are required, and the authoritative views of the Imams [AS] as perpetuators of this particular teaching function of the Prophet [SAW] becomes necessary? Here we can refer to the following, those verses of the Qur’an which are not immediately accessible to understanding, verses that are referred to in the Qur’an as Mutashabih. It is difficult to translate this satisfactorily as a one word translation in English, sometimes you find the word ‘allegorical’ put forward. Allegorical implies the lack of an essential relationship between these verses and the proposed meaning. However the verses have an immediately accessible meaning, therefore the word allegorical does not do justice to this. For example:-

‘(Allah) Most Gracious is firmly established on the throne (of authority),’ (20:5)

If  we want to say that this verse is ‘allegorical’ this might imply that the statement is a symbolic statement of the inner truth, we have to solve almost like a riddle the meaning of the verse to arrive at the meaning. This is not the solution, the solution is to assert that the verse is true, i.e. if Allah [SWT] says that he is ‘firmly established on the throne’ then indeed He is. However the words clearly cannot be understood in terms of human experience, in other words it is not possible to ascribe to Allah [SWT] motion, and ‘reposing’ and ‘seating’ implies motion. Motion implies the movement of a body that is limited and finite from one place to another, that motion must take place in time. Therefore a literal understanding from human experience would be to impute to Allah [SWT] temporality and spaciality neither of which is clearly acceptable. The meaning of the verse while guarding against any kind of allegorical dissolution of precise and specific language is an understanding that goes beyond the immediate and apparent meaning, the immediate understanding implied by the verse.

The counterpart to ‘mutashabih’ verses are ‘muhkam’ verses which translate as ‘firm’ in the sense of being obvious in meaning, therefore they do not need to be referred to by exegetical understanding to reach the meaning of the verse. For example the legislative verses of the Qur’an. Verses which lead to legal ordinance with respect to the devotional life of a Muslims or the social interaction of a Muslim, or economic activities. The two categories of verses are juxtaposed in (3:7) of the Qur’an:-

‘He it is Who sent down to thee the Book; in it are verses basic or fundamental (of established meaning); they are the foundation of the Book: others are not of well-established meaning. But those in whose heart is perversity follow the part thereof that is not of well-established meaning. Seeking discord, and searching for its hidden meanings, but no-one knows its true meanings except Allah. And those who are firmly grounded in knowledge say: ‘We believe in the Book; the whole of it is from our Lord:’ And none will grasp the Message except men of understanding.’ (3:7)

Literally the muhkam verses are referred to as the ‘mother of the book’, umm al-kitab in other words the essence or core of the book. ‘But no-one knows its true meanings…’ this refers to the mutashabih verses, there is a difference of opinion here about this verse amongst various commentators as to where the sentence is broken. Is ‘those firmly rooted in knowledge’ the second subject of the verse ‘knows’? Or is it on the contrary the subject of the following verb ‘We believe in the book…’. Among Sunni commentators there is a difference of opinion. Among Shi’i commentators those who are ‘firmly rooted in knowledge’ is regarded as the second subject of the verb, ‘know’, so Allah [SWT] and these people know the interpretation of these verses.

The muhkam verses are the core of the book – because they contain the legislative verses, those verses which establish Islam as a reality in the life of the individual and the community. The other category is mutashabih, the conventional meaning of these verses is not enough to establish their intent. The knowledge and interpretation of these mutashabih verses as agreed by Shi’i commentators and a larger proportion of Sunni commentators is known only to Allah [SWT] and those firmly rooted in knowledge. ‘Those firmly rooted in knowledge’ from the Shi’i point of view are the Imams [AS], who have this attribute of being such, what is meant by firmly rooted in knowledge? It does not simply mean a high degree of erudition, being rooted in knowledge implies that ones whole being grows out of the soil of knowledge, these are the Imams whose knowledge is conveyed to them and reinforced in them by Allah [SWT].

The Process of Interpretation of Verses

The process of interpretation, the word used is ta’wil, can be roughly translated as interpretation. Sometimes it is used as any type of interpretation of verses not necessarily for the category of mutashabih verses, it can be used for the clarification of obscure words, unusual grammatical instructions, allusion to certain historical events, the clarification of all of these is sometimes regarded as ta’wil. However, the essence of ta’wil is somewhat different, if one looks at the root of the word ta’wil, one sees that it comes from the root ‘a wa la’ meaning ‘to be first’. Ta’wil is therefore a process of moving back as it were to that which is primary in each of the verses of the Qur’an, moving back in the direction of that which is primary in the Qur’an itself. To put it differently, from that which is most immediately accessible, the outer sense towards that is less easily accessible, the inner sentence – which lies at the core of the verse, and which is most primary to it. Ta’wil in this sense is the uncovering of that which is most primary – the innermost sense of each verse.

There is also the ‘outer’ and ‘inner’ meaning of the Qur’an, there is a statement ascribed to the Prophet [SAW], that:-

‘The Qur’an has an outer dimension and an inner dimension. And that inner dimension in turn has seven inner dimensions’

In addition to this saying one can deduce from another verse of the Qur’an, the fact that it contains an inner and outer dimension:-

‘Do ye not see that Allah has subjected to your (use) all things in the heavens and on earth, and has made His bounties flow to you in exceeding measure, (both) seen and unseen? Yet there are among men those who dispute about Allah without knowledge and without guidance, and without a Book to enlighten them!’ (31:20)

Here the bounties are many and are not restricted exclusively to the Qur’an, but as a matter of general principle, this verse establishes that the bounties of Allah [SWT] have an inner and an outer dimension and this general principle must apply to the Qur’an also. The ta’wil is that which operates not only with respect to the Muhkam and  Mutashabih but also with respect to the outer and inner. This is confirmed by Imam Jaffer Sadiq [AS]. According to Imam Jaffer Sadiq [AS] each verse of the Qur’an has four aspects:-

‘ ‘Ibarah, ‘Isharah, latifah, haqiqah’

The ‘Ibarah is the wording of each verse –the obvious meaning that can be drawn from the wording which constitutes each verse, accessible to anyone with a correct knowledge of the Arabic language – the plain literal meaning.

‘Isharah – the meaning which is indicated by but not explicitly conveyed by the wording.

Latifah – translated literally as the subtlety, that which is contained within the verse, but which is not so easily derived at as the ‘Isharah. It is more subtle and elusive, and requires a greater effort or a greater predisposition in order to gain access to it.

Haqiqah – translated as truth or reality. It means the ultimate truth enshrined within each verse of the Qur’an. It is said in explanation of this category of Quranic meaning that it is only accessible to the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS], in the sense that they alone have access to this portion of Quranic meaning.

The Quran was revealed to the whole of humanity and this is who it addresses, it does not mean that a portion of the Qur’an is held in reserve for an elite category, however as a matter of precise reality –there are those whose capacity of understanding varies. Therefore the ‘Ibarah is accessible to anyone who knows Arabic or learns. The ‘Isharah is not within the reach of everyone however with appropriate effort and predisposition and talent, it is still accessible. The latifah is accessible to an even smaller group of people and finally, the haqiqah is only restricted to the ma’sumin, those who possess the attribute of inerrancy. In connection with haqiqah we can cite 56:79:-

‘Which none shall touch but those who are clean’ (56:79)

Of course this verse furnishes among other things the origin for the ordinance that one should not touch the Qur’an while one is in a state of ritual impurity, however, there is an meaning here that is stated by numerous commentators that what is meant here by touching is not simply the tactile experience of laying one’s hands on the book but rather gaining access to its innermost secrets and meanings and this is only accessible to those who are utterly purified, ‘mutahharun’ not simply in the ritual sense, but inwardly purified aswell. This understanding of the word ‘purified’ ties in with another key verse from the point of view of Shi’i doctrine  (33:33), where the people of the Prophet’s household are described as being utterly purified.

Interpreting the Qur'an from the Qur'an

Now, it might appear to be contradictory now that we have laid heavy stress on the authority of the Imams as interpreters of the Qur’an to draw attention to the fact that one of the primary methods to the understanding of the Qur’an according to precisely the Imams [AS] is the Qur’an itself. There is a statement that one portion of the Qur’an interprets another, and one portion of the Qur’an clarifies another. In other words although the Prophet [SAW] and Imams [AS] are instructors and teachers of the Qur’an, the Qur’an itself is a guidance and an understanding. How do we understand this statement and reconcile it with what has been said about the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] as exegetes. We understand it in the following sense that if one takes as true the fundamental Islamic belief that the Qur’an lacks any contradiction, and internal inconsistency, if it constitutes a whole and complete universe then it follows that it is in all of its parts mutually compatible, verses can complement and explain each other. Therefore in order to understand one part or verse of the Qur’an, one needs to take into consideration all verses of the Qur’an dealing with the same topic, containing the same wording. On the other hand that the Prophets and Imams are instructors in the Qur’an, precisely in this role they draw attention to the interconnectedness of all parts of the Qur’an with each other. If one looks at many traditions on the Imams [AS] in explication of the Qur’an precisely what they do is to draw attention to relevant portions of the Qur’an, to draw together and synthesise the meaning of the verses and remove thereby any appearance of inconsistency or contrast.

Those verses of the Qur’an which are important for Shi’i Islam

The Qur’an lays heavy stress on matters of succession in the Divine Guidance of man by Prophets. For example:-

‘An remember that Abraham was tried by His Lord with certain Commands which he fulfilled: He said: ‘I will make thee an Imam to the nations.’ He pleaded: ‘And also Imams from my offspring!’ He answered: ‘But my promise is not with the reach of evil doers.’ (2:124)

Imam – is that title which is most commonly awarded to the Divinely appointed, authoritative descendents of the Prophet [SAW]. In this verse this is not what is at issue because Ibrahim [AS] is a Prophet and not a descendent of a Prophet [SAW] (similar to the Imams), but from the conclusion of this verse it has been drawn that the function of an Imam/Imamate is in the sense contained within the function of Prophethood. The question arises why is Ibrahim addressed by Allah [SWT] saying that I will make you an Imam rather than as a Prophet of the people? Because Shi’i commentators say that the essential functions of an Imam are also found in a Prophet. Ibrahim in response to this Divine promise asks, shall my offspring be the same? The answer is, ‘My covenant shall not embrace the wrong doers.’ In other words your offspring will be given the attribute of Imamate, they will made leaders unless they transgress, not in the specific Shi’i sense here but in that they will be made Divine guides. The word Imam is also used for two other Prophets before Prophet Muhammad [AS] Ishaq and Ya’qub:

‘And We bestowed on him Isaac and, as an additional gift, (A grandson), Jacob, and we made righteous men of every one (of them).’
‘And We made them leaders, guiding (men) by Our command, and we sent them inspiration to do good deeds, to establish regular prayers, and to practise regular charity: and they constantly served Us (and Us only).’ (21:72-73)

Here also the word Imam is used but of course they are Prophets, so there are indications from the pre-Muhammadan history of Islam of the close relationship between Imamate and Prophethood. As far as the hereditary transmission of Divine Guidance is concerned we can refer to:-

‘And Solomon was David’s heir. He said: ‘O ye people! We have been taught the speech of birds, and on us has been bestowed (a little) of all things: This is indeed Grace manifest (from Allah)’ (27:16)

If then the lineage of Ibrahim in the Qur’an is established as having Divine Guidance and Leadership then the conclusion may be drawn that the lineage of the Prophet [SAW] should have the same dignity vested in it – the dignity of Divinely appointed leadership in guidance of humanity. All of these considerations concerning the previous prophets the establishment of the Divinely sanctioned hereditary pattern among them is only secondary to the establishment of the Imamate:-

‘Your (real) guardians are (No less than) Allah, His Messenger, and those believers who perform prayer and give alms whilst prostrating’ (5:55)

Protector or guardian (wali) – the word Wali has a whole range of meanings and a part of the reason for the inability for Sunni and Shi’i scholars to agree is the numerous shades of meaning contained within this word. The last part of the verse ‘…and give alms whilst prostrating’ is seen by many Sunni and all Shi’i commentators as referring to Imam ‘Ali [AS]. How is this possible when we have a plural i.e. ‘those believers who perform prayer’, this is one of the peculiarities of the Quranic style that for a single believer by way of honouring that believer a plural may be used, there is a particular incident to which this verse is attributed, there is an anecdote to the effect that someone asked for alms whilst Imam [AS] was performing prayer, and that Imam ‘Ali [AS] gave an indication during prayer that alms were to be given by himself, here there is an indication that the person at issue in the verse is Imam ‘Ali [AS], he comes in a series in which the first two are God and his Messenger. The verse  says that your true protector or guardian is in the first place God, then the Messenger [SAW] and then Imam ‘Ali [AS].

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 2

Synopsis

- A look a various Quranic verses and hadith related to the succership to the Prophet (SAW) by Imam 'Ali [AS]
-An examination of the word maula in the context of it's Quranic use and use in hadith with regards to the succership of Imam 'Ali [AS]
-An examination of the verse of purification, with relation to the Ahl al-Bait [AS]
-An examination of further hadith and Quranic verses related to the special status of Imam 'Ali [AS] and the Ahl al-bait [AS]

The Successorship of the Prophet [SAW]

‘I (the Prophet [SAW]) will be leaving to you (the Muslims) two objects of great value, the Qur’an and my descendants’

‘Your (real) guardians are (No less than) Allah, His Messenger, and those believers who perform prayer and give alms whilst prostrating’ (5:55)

Wali – can be translated as guardian, as protector its plural is auliyah. This word is discovered in the Qur’an in different contexts and it is precisely this multiplicity in meaning and its plurality that has lead to some of the disagreements amongst Muslims on the questions of succession. The noun wali comes from a verbal root whose meaning is ‘to be close to’ ‘to enjoy proximity to’ that proximity may be one of that of a guardian or protector i.e. protective closeness. Allah [SWT] as the wali of the believers, He is the One who is closest to them in a protective and guarding sense. But at the same time one who has a legitimate authority over another also enjoys a particular kind of closeness. It is that which is at issue here when the Qur’an designates Allah [SWT] as the wali, He is not simply a protective friend, but One Who exercises guardianship and protection, but at the same time has authority to go with that. Therefore that same duality of function, devolves also upon the messenger, and then the final category is mentioned here (who perform prayer and give alms whilst prostrating). One of the reasons why commentators have seen in this apparent plural, a single individual, is not only historical events to which the verse alludes but also the source of the word Wali. If the wali has the dual function of authority and guardianship then clearly this cannot refer to the main body of believers, because this is too large and diffuse body. It would not make sense, so it is argued that here it is meant for a single individual. This verse is of considerable importance. There is also a hadith from the Prophet [SAW] which relates to this verse. In all cases the verses of the Qur’an that deal with this topic are allusive – there is no mention of name, that clarification takes place by means of a hadith which serves as a commentary upon the verses in question, in commentary upon this part of the verse. The hadith which supports this verse, and commentates upon it, is the one in which the Prophet [SAW] is reported to have said:-

‘Ali will be the wali of every believer after me.’

This verse interpreted in this fashion, and buttressed by this hadith among others, refers only to the single person of ‘Ali [AS].

Other verses that speak of the succession of Imam ‘Ali [AS] also refer to him individually. Another verse is:-

‘O Messenger! Proclaim the (Message) which hath been sent to thee from thy Lord. If thou didst not, thou wouldst not have fulfilled and proclaimed His mission. And Allah will defend thee from men (who mean mischief) for Allah guideth not those who reject faith’ (5:67)

This is an allusive verse – what has been sent down on this particular occasion, that he has been called on to proclaim,? And if does not do so then it will effectively be a negation of his entire mission. The occasion for the revelation of this verse is in the opinion of Shi’i commentators and a large number of Sunni commentators, is the proclamation of Imam ‘Ali [AS] as the successor of the Prophet [SAW]. It is not that the Prophet [SAW] at this stage was reluctant to convey any portion of the Qur’an, in other words if one were to read the verse without any reference to the historical context it might appear that the Prophet [SAW] is reluctant to convey one portion of the Quranic revelation. But there is no warrant for this in any of the historical sources, rather it is said, that is was not a portion of the Qur’an that the Prophet [SAW] was told to proclaim but the open, clear and categorical declaration of his cousin and son-in-law Imam ‘Ali [AS] as his successor. Were he not do so, according to the Shi’i interpretation of this verse, it would amount to a complete negation of his mission. From the wording of the verse there are two important conclusions (of course if someone accepts that this is speaking about the nomination of Imam ‘Ali [AS]), firstly it is a process of Divine revelation it is not a personal decision of the Prophet [SAW] based on his own perception of the welfare of the community, it is something that has been revealed to him. The same verb is used here as has been used about the revelation of the Qur’an, so it is not a matter of personal choice or discretion. And further, failure to do that would be tantamount to abrogation of the message as a whole or failure to convey the message as a whole. In other words an integral part of the mission of the Prophet [SAW] is not simply the conveyance of the Qur’an and the interpretation of its message, but also establishing that institution of succession that would guarantee the understanding and implementation of the message.

The verse then continues, and says that Allah [SWT] will protect you against people, so here clearly there is some anticipation of opposition to the nomination of Imam ‘Ali [AS] as successor, and reluctance on the part of the Muslim community to accept him as such. That reluctance becomes apparent following the death of the Prophet [SAW]. Historically speaking this verse is said to have been revealed shortly before that event that we refer to in the life of the Prophet [SAW] as the ‘farewell pilgrimage.’ The last time that he made the pilgrimage to Makkah from Medina. On the return from Makkah to Medina, the Prophet [SAW] and the Muslims accompanying him stopped at a place called Ghadir Khum (the lake of Khum). While at this location the Prophet [SAW] is reported to have turned to those accompanying him and asked them,

‘Who has the greatest claim upon you? A greater claim upon you then your own selves?’

We need to refer to the Arabic to get the full significance, the word used for ‘having the greatest claim’ which is ‘aula’ i.e. ‘man aula bikum…’

The Muslims said, ‘We do not know’.

The Prophet [SAW] responded, ‘I have a greater claim upon you than your own selves has not Allah revealed the verse, ‘The Prophet is closer to the believers than their own selves…’ (33:6).’

In other words the believers owe it to themselves to give their primary loyalty and obedience to the Prophet [SAW], his being, because of what he represents, the message vested in him, they should give it greater importance than their possessions and their own selves.

Wali

The word ‘aula’ is cognate with the word Wali, aula means in effect – who enjoys that quality of wali, with respect to yourself of the highest possible degree. The connection between aula and wali is confirmed by the next remark of the Prophet [SAW], after reciting the verse and establishing the fact that he (the Prophet [SAW]) has a greater claim upon the believers than their own selves, the Prophet [SAW] raises the hand of Imam ‘Ali [AS] who is next to him and proclaims,

‘Whomsoever I am Maula, then ‘Ali too is his Maula.’

Maula – is again cognate with wali and aula. The word Maula, although related to the word Wali has a wide range of meanings also. Although the authenticity of this hadith is universally accepted the interpretation is different because of the range of different meanings that can be ascribed to the word Maula. The word Maula for example can be interpreted as protector, patron, it may mean one endowed with authority over another. It may mean, the client of a person, for example if someone emancipates his slave but the slave still has loyalty to the master then his relationship with the former master will be that of a maula. Common to all of these meanings is closeness, closeness with an overtone of authority. However the meaning that is assigned to the word maula in this instance is that of ‘authority’ because if we interpret the word simply in the sense of a close friend, or someone enjoying a protective relationship, then there would not have been any particular reason for the proclamation of ‘Ali [AS] as Maula of the Prophet [SAW] at this point in his life. It is reasonable to assume that there must have been a particular purpose for the proclamation of ‘Ali [AS] as maula at this late stage in the life of the Prophet [SAW]. This is regarded as an extremely important hadith in clarification of the verse which we have just reviewed (5:67) concerning the status of ‘Ali as the successor of the Prophet [SAW] and having authority over the believers. If verse (5:67) precedes the proclamation of Ghadir Khum, the same proclamation has been deemed to have been succeeded by the revelation of (5:3):-

‘…This day I have perfected your religion for you, completed My favour upon you, and have chosen for you Islam as your religion.’ (5:3)

Here the verse that is meant to have come later in the chapter is believed to have come before the verse that has come earlier in history (in order in the Qur'an), but this should not occasion any bewilderment because the ordering of the verses in a particular Surah is not necessarily in any chronological order of revelation, in the same way that the ordering of the Surahs of the Quran is not in any chronological order of revelation. In the view of Shi’i commentators what is at issue here is precisely the formal proclamation of the successorship of Imam ‘Ali [AS]. Failure to do this would have been tantamount to an annulment to the entire mission of the Prophet [SAW], here the proclamation of the message is implicitly equated with the perfection of religion, bringing the religion to perfection, bringing the Divine blessing of guidance to completion . The adverb of time al-yaum (today), that opens the verse is after all very significant – the question arises that what happened this day (even if you do not take it as a precise 24 hour period). What else happened on this day? It is said by some commentators that the revelation of the Qur’an completed at this time, which is not entirely true, it is true that a great bulk of the Qur’an had been revealed by this time, but still there were still a few verses to be revealed before the death of the Prophet [SAW]. It is also said that now, Islam was spreading throughout the Arabian Peninsula that Makkah had been wrested from the control of the unbelievers and that no trace of idolatry remained in Makkah, but it is very difficult to tie any of those factors, chronologically to the time that we know that this verse was revealed. In any event, Shi’i commentators see here yet another Quranic allusion to the nomination of Imam ‘Ali [AS], and the elevation of the Imamate, of the Divine succesorship to a very high status, it is here implicitly described as the perfection of religion. Perfection not in the sense that it is more important than Prophethood, but rather that it is the last element put in place for religion to be complete, revelation is nearly complete, Prophethood is proclaimed and established, Divine Unity (tauhid) is proclaimed and established, Makkah has been purified of idolatry, even the message of Islam has begun to be propagated beyond the Arabian Peninsula, the final element that completes the structure of Islam according to this verse is that succesorship to the Prophet [SAW] is also put into place. There is a later theoretical work on the Imamate , by a later Shi’i scholar which is entitled with reference to this verse, ‘the Perfection of religion and the completion of the blessing.’

The Verse of Purification

All the verses reviews so far deal with Imam ‘Ali [AS] for the premise of identification individually. There are other verses of the Qur’an which as interpreted by Shi’i commentators refer more broadly to the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] and their particular status. Of these the most important is (33:33), this is known as the ayah or the verse of purification:-

‘…And Allah [SWT] only wishes to remove all abomination from you ye Ahl al-Bait (people of the house), and to make you pure and spotless.’ (33:33)

This verse is embedded in a context not related to the descendents of the Prophet [SAW] through Imam Ali [AS] and the daughter of the Prophet Bibi Fatima [AS] but rather the to the wives of the Prophet [SAW], this being the case it might in at first sight be reasonable to interpret the expression here ‘household of the Prophet’ or ‘people of the house’ – ahl al-bait, to be the wives or at least include the wives. However against the assumption which might on the face of things given the context of the expression appear reasonable – there are two arguments to be made the first is a grammatical one. In Arabic the second person pronoun in the singular and the plural, varies according to gender, and the expression here, ‘Allah wishes to remove from you O people of the house all impurities’ the pronoun here is masculine plural ‘anhum. The pronouns used earlier in the verse aswell as the preceding verses, that undoubtedly refer to the wives of the Prophet [SAW] are all feminine plural. Here however we have a masculine plural. Even in the next verse where the reference is to the wives of the Prophet [SAW] there is a feminine plural pronoun. Therefore on purely grammatical grounds it has to be concluded that the category that is referred to as the ‘ahl al-bait’ being referred to with a masculine plural pronoun should either be exclusively masculine or predominantly masculine.

The second point is that we have clarifying hadith, it is said that at the time of the revelation of this verse the Prophet [SAW] gathered beneath a single cloak his own person, his daughter Fatima [AS], his cousin and son-in-law Imam Ali [AS], and their two sons i.e. the grandsons of the Prophet [SAW], Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS]. And these five persons become known in reference to this occasion as the Ahl al-Kisa (people of the cloak or people gathered beneath the cloak). The Ahl al-Kisa are these five persons, they are symbolically established by this occasion as the origins of the ahl al-bait [AS], them and their descendants. It is said also that on this occasion that one of the wives of the Prophet [SAW] passed by and asked, am I not of the ahl al-bait [AS], whereby the Prophet [SAW] replied, no you are a woman of virtue and piety but you are not from among the ahl al-bait [AS]. Therefore it is not a question here of the wives, from the point of view of all Shi’i commentators and a great number of Sunni, but rather here the descendants of the Prophet in the form of these five. So this is the explanation of what is meant by the people of the house. But what about the purification?

The word translated as impurity does not mean physical impurity, Islam has regulations relating to cleanliness and beyond that for ritual purity required for praying and reading the Qur’an – but those things are directed at all the believers and what is at issue here is something more specific. And the word here ‘rijs’ is not physical impurity. Moreover if it is suggested here that the word refers to ‘moral’ impurity then again the question might arise what kind of sin had been committed here either singly or collectively by the individuals that we regard as the ahl al-bait [AS] at this point, nothing can be found in this respect. Therefore the ‘rijs’ that Allah [SWT] want to entirely purify here is the propensity for and the capacity for error. We have here Quranic proof here for the doctrine of inerrancy or infallibility – ‘ismah of the descendants of the Prophet [SAW]. The impurity here is not an actual one either moral or physical rather the capacity for error and sin. The word ‘Ismah here means protection – it is not that the Prophets and divinely appointed successors belong to a different order, they are human, and therefore all have the characteristics of human – however there is a continuous exercise of Divine protection which negates their inherent capacity for error and sin. The rational proof is that an individual seen to been in error or seen to have committed a sin would not be a trustworthy vehicle for the conveyance of Divine Guidance, nor when it comes to the Imams [AS] the successors of the Prophet [SAW] would such an individual be a reliable interpreter of the message of the revelation. It is therefore rationally necessary that the Prophet [SAW] should have this capacity for ‘Ismah and after him the Divinely appointed successors should have the same. It should be pointed out that Sunni Islam is in agreement with the fact of the inerrancy of the Prophet [SAW] except that the extent of ‘Ismah of the Prophet [SAW] is subject to a certain amount of disagreement – some Sunnis theologians hold it possible that the Prophet [SAW] should commit minor sins or errors without persisting in them if those errors and sins do not touch on their conveyance of the Divine Message. Shi’i Islam is more categorical and comprehensive on its interpretation of the inerrancy of the Prophet [SAW], that the Prophet and the Imams are Divinely protected from the committing of all sins both during the fulfilment of their respective missions and even before so this is an attribute that accompanies throughout their lives.

This is a very important ayah from the Shi’i point of view it establishes the context of the Ahl al-Bait [AS] once accompanied by the relevant hadith as the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through his daughter and his son-in-law. This also establishes their purity, purity in a sense, of permanently being protected from the possibility of error and sin. We have therefore the fourteen possessors of inerrancy, the fourteen ma’sumin, the Prophet [SAW], as the historical records show, as well as rational necessity dictates, is free from error and sin, his daughter Fatimah [AS], who is the link between the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS], then the line of the twelve Imams [AS].

The Holders of Authority Among You

Another verse of the Qur’an which alludes to the Imams [AS] in their totality is (4:59):-

‘O you who believe! obey Allah and obey the Messenger and those in authority from among you; then if you quarrel about anything, refer it to Allah and the Messenger, if you believe in Allah and the last day; this is better and very good in the end.’ (4:59)

The first two foci of obedience here are plain – Allah [SWT] and the Messenger of Allah, the Prophet [SWT]. It is stated at several points in the Qur’an that the necessary corollary of obedience to Allah [SWT], is obedience to the Prophet [SAW]. However, what is meant here by the third recipient of obedience ‘the holders of authority from among you.’ ‘uli al-amr minkum’. From the Shi’I point of view, ‘the holders of authority from among you’ are none other than the Imams [AS]. In part for purely linguistic reasons ‘ulu (in the nominative form) al-amr’. ‘ulu’ is one of the plurals of ‘wali’, so occurring here in a form a little difficult to recognise is a plural of the of wali. To put it differently, the singular of 'ulu al-amr' will be ‘wali al-amr’, ‘the holder of authority’ – the ‘one exercising authority’. There is here a recurrence of the concept of ‘wali’. But in addition to that and perhaps more significantly, obedience to this category of individuals whoever they may be is announced as a religious duty. It is in fact conjoined with obedience to God and obedience to the Messenger. From that it may be argued that the holders of authority, obedience to whom is religiously necessary and incumbent must enjoy divine authority – in the same way that the authority of the Messenger is a corollary to the Divine authority. Likewise obedience to the holders of authority must be a corollary to obedience to the Messenger. Unfortunately this verse has been invoked in many Muslim countries in favour of some sort of attitude of political passivity. What ever gang of soldiers, hoodlums or kings is in charge of a country, people say that we must obey the ‘holders of authority’ i.e. anyone who usurps power – these people you have to obey as a matter of religious duty. But a closer examination of the ayah hypothetically even if one does not accept them as the identification of the Imams [AS] – clearly precludes such an arbitrary interpretation that whoever de facto holds power must be obeyed as a matter of religious duty. This can hardly be the case given that the persons with a legitimate claim to authority are the third in the series following Allah [SWT] and the Messenger. In fact we have here a tripartite series, similarly as in verse (5:55):-

‘Only Allah is your Vali and His Messenger and those who believe, those who keep up prayers and pay the poor-rate while they bow.’ (5:55)

Love of the Near Relatives

Obedience to Allah [SWT], to the Messenger, then persons from whom authority flows from Allah [SWT] and the Messenger. Again another verse that is general in it’s implications with respect to the family of the Prophet is (42:23), at least a portion of it, in which the Prophet [SAW] is instructed to say ‘I do not ask for it (the antecedent of it is the conveyance of the Message and the preaching of Islam) any reward, except love for family’ ‘mawaddata fi al-qurba’:-

‘That is of which Allah gives the good news to His servants, (to) those who believe and do good deeds. Say: I do not ask of you any reward for it but love for my near relatives; and whoever earns good, We give him more of good therein; surely Allah is Forgiving, Grateful.’ (42:23)

Here the reference is not precise, there is no personal possessive suffix ‘my family’ – the verse might reasonably be taken in a general sense that love for relatives has a religious value which is true is Islam. Even if that general interpretation be accepted then clearly – love for family, should embrace par excellence love for the family of the Prophet [SAW], particularly since it is he who is asking here for this as a reward. It would be by way of interpretation or by way of translation that it is permissible to insert here the possessive adjective ‘my family’. It has to be said that beyond the boundaries of Shi’ah Islam – that love for the family of the Prophet [SAW] has been, and to a large extent continues to be an important element in Sunni spirituality also, maybe less today than in the past, even the fairly recent past for a variety of reasons. But love and respect for the family of the Prophet [SAW] is indeed a feature of Sunni Islam also. For Shi’ahs love is not enough – love is one thing and obedience is another thing. Other verses that have been reviewed together with their implication, imply obedience in addition to love and veneration.

In addition to these verses, there are many other verses, which are interpreted by the Imams [AS] themselves or by Shi’i commentators of the Qur’an as referring to the Imams [AS]. There are other hadith which stand in their own right as proofs to the essential veritas of Shi’I Islam. The proclamation of Imam ‘Ali [AS] as the successor of the Prophet [SAW], came late in the life of the Prophet [SAW]. It is probably precisely that relative lateness which made it essential for a public proclamation. But it must not be assumed that this was the only occasion upon which the special status of Imam ‘Ali [AS] with respect to the Prophet [SAW] and his (Imam 'Ali's) special function was made plain. In a smaller gathering at a very much earlier time a similar proclamation was made. In the third year of the Prophet’s mission he received the revelation which is contained in (6:214)

Warn you Near Relatives

‘And warn your nearest relations’ (6:214)

The Prophet [SAW] is called upon to commence public preaching first to the immediate circle of his relatives. On this occasion his close relatives gathered together and he informed them that he was a Prophet, and that he had received revelation and he called upon them to accept his mission, he said:-

‘Whosoever amongst you accepts my summons the first, and aids will me will be my brother, my legatee and my successor.’

Initially there was silence, then Imam ‘Ali [AS] at this point a boy of ten years stood forth and promised his aid to the Prophet [SAW]. Whereupon the Prophet [SAW] proclaimed

'you shall by ‘my brother, my legatee and my successor’

Brother in a metaphorical or a spiritual sense, because from the point of view of geniality Imam ‘Ali [AS] was the cousin of the Prophet [SAW]. But nonetheless the expression brother is of significance. After the migration of the Muslims from Makkah to Medina, in order to strengthen the tie between the migrants and those who received them in the city of Medina, ties of spiritual brotherhood were established. Except in the case of the Prophet [SAW] he did not establish this form of brotherhood amongst any of the people of Medina, rather Imam ‘Ali [AS] who like him was a migrant from Makkah to Medina was proclaimed to be his brother. More significant are the following two attributes which are derived from this proclamation of the Prophet [SAW], ‘my legatee’ – this is a translation of the Arabic word ‘wasi’. The wasi is one who undertakes or implements a will, a testament which follows from someone in order to execute his legacy. Therefore at this early point in the history of Islam and this early point in the life of Imam ‘Ali [AS] he is declared to be the wasi. And then equally siginificantly ‘my successor’ ‘khalifah’. Customarily, for the sake of convenience we assign the word Caliph to the Sunni tradition and the word Imam [AS] to the shi’i tradition. This is convenient and has some historical justification. However the word Khalifah means quite simply, ‘One who comes after as the successor’ and one does find the word Khalifah in the Shi’i context also. The word Imam also has a wide range of meanings, it is used in the Shi’i context as the primary title of the successor to the Prophet [SAW], and it also refers in the Sunni context to a wide range of other meanings. So there is no straight forward separation between the terms. Here the Prophet [SAW] has designated Imam ‘Ali [AS] as his Khalifah.

Twelve Righteous Khalifahs

There is another hadith which is very remarkable.

‘After me there shall come twelve righteous Khalifahs’

What is remarkable about this hadith is that first of all it is a prediction that the number of the Imams [AS] in the Shi’i tradition is exactly twelve. The Prophet [SAW] is seen to be exercising foreknowledge of how the institution of successorship will develop after him. Also what is particularly significant is that his hadith occurs in Sunni books. It can be found in Sahih Muslim, which is one of the two most important collection of Sunni hadith works. The occurrence of this particular hadith with the mention of the figure twelve in Sunni books has posed some Sunni scholars with a dilemma, that who are the twelve if they are not the twelve Imams [AS] of the Ahl al-bait [AS]? You could say that Abu-bakr, ‘Umar, Uthman and Imam ‘Ali [AS] – and then from amongst the Umayyads of probity and righteousness – ‘Umar ibn ‘abd al-aziz which brings us to five – but then there are still seven more to be found. There are various lists that have been compiled over the years. What is important is the figure twelve and the fact that this hadith is found in Sunni and as well as in Shi’ah sources.

Other Hadith Related to the Special Status of Imam 'Ali

Hadith that refer individually to Imam ‘Ali [AS]. There is a hadith in which the Prophet [SAW] addressed Imam ‘Ali [AS] and said:-

‘Your relationship to me is like that of Harun to Musa, except that there will be no prophet after me.’

This exception at the end of the hadith refers to the fact that according to the Quran, Harun even though he lived at the same time as Musa, and was active among the same people the Bani Isra’il he was also like Musa [AS] a Prophet. This is an exception to the general rule in the Qur’anic view of sacred history that only one prophet comes to the people at a given time – here two brothers were simultaneously prophets – therefore the Prophet [SAW] makes this clarification speaking to ‘Ali [AS] i.e. that there is no prophet after me and that you do not have the quality of Prophethood. Otherwise you have that same relationship of closeness, of being a divinely appointed aid to me as Harun [AS] was to Musa [AS]. Then a hadith which is known as the ‘hadith of the city of knowledge’. The Prophet [SAW] is reported to have said that:-

‘I am the city of knowledge and ‘Ali [AS] is it’s gate.’

‘ana madinatu al-‘ilm wa ‘aliyyun babuha’

What is meant by this expression. The ‘city of knowledge’, the Prophet [SAW] is the recipient of Divine revealed knowledge. Not simply the Qur’an but the inner knowledge of the Qur’an – the knowledge of the inner meaning of the Qur’an. The image that is underlying this hadith is that of a walled city, access of which is only by means of one gate. This city of vast Divine knowledge – the gate i.e. the access is ‘Ali [AS]. Which does not mean to say that there is a reserved body of knowledge which is accessible only to ‘Ali [AS], it means rather that he is the heir amongst other things in fact most significantly not simply the political authority of the Prophet [SAW] but rather to the totality of his knowledge. Through attention to him – through love and obedience to him access is to be had to the knowledge which was invested to the Prophet [SAW]. There is a more extended version of this hadith in which particular attributes are given to those who are amongst the Khulafah Rashidin from the Sunni point of view – for example ‘I am the city of forbearance and Uthman is the gate thereof’, certainly this appears to be an extension of the hadith to equate or award similar attributes to the other three from amongst the Khulafah rashidin. The most frequently encountered and best attested to in Sunni and in Shi’ah books is the one attributed to ‘Ali  [AS] as the gate of the city of knowledge in exclusivity without any references to the other three.

Two More Hadith Referring the Ahl al-bait

Finally there are two other hadith which are more general in their focal reference. The first of them is the ‘hadith of the ark’ ‘hadith al-safinah’:-

‘The People of my house (ahl al-baiti) are for you (the believers) like the ark of Noah – whoever embarks on it will be saved – whoever turns away from it will be drowned.’

Embarking on the ship, the ark of the people of the house is seen as an essential element in salvation. One sometimes finds this hadith in a calligraphic representation whereby the mast of the ship is the name ‘Ali [AS]. The names of the other Imams [AS] and Ahl al-bait [AS] constitute the structure of the Ship. What does it mean by ‘embarking’ on the ship – it means obedience to them, love for them and devotion to them. Finally one more hadith of relatively general nature:-

‘Whosoever dies without recognising the Imam of his age will die the death of the Jahiliyyah.’

Here can find the word Imam used plainly, the Imam of this age – the divinely appointed guide, ruler, holder of authority of the community in the age in which he lives. To die without having recognised him is equivalent of dying a death in the age of Jahiliyyah. Jahiliyyah is of course the period of ignorance in the Arabian peninsula that preceded the emergence of Islam. ‘Recognising the Imam of the age’ – the minimum that is required is 'acknowledgement of recognition of' – not necessarily immediate submission of, because the claims of the Imams to political authority in the Muslim community were frequently frustrated. What is important is the recognition of the Imam – as an essential part of ones knowledge and practice of religion. Failure to do this results in death not as an unbeliever but death as if one had lived and died in the period of jahiliyyah – when there was no divinely appointed guide for mankind neither a Prophet nor an Imam. This hadith is found in virtually all of the Sunni and Shi’ah collections. The question then arises that ‘Who is the Imam of the age?’, the same question that arises in the interpretation of the verse which states, ‘Obey Allah, the Messenger and the holders of authority from among you.’ Is the Imam of the age simply anyone who is ruling at a given time or is it on the contrary someone with a  more solid and more well rooted claim to obedience. In just the same way that there a large number of additional verse that can be quoted there are a large number of additional hadith as well. This should be enough to indicate the scriptural basis for the essential doctrines of Shi’ism. The first hadith that was stated in the previous lecture was that of the two valuable entities:-

‘I leave behind among you two entities of great value, the Qur’an and my descendants which will never be separated from each other, if you lay a firm hold of them you will never go astray.’

Edited by NormaL_UseR, 27 January 2008 - 08:54 PM.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 3

Synopsis

-Brief history of the Prophet [SAW]
-A look of the status and functions of the Prophet [SAW]
-Succession to the Prophet [SAW]
-A brief history of Bibi Fatimah [AS]
-Verse of the Quran related to Bibi Fatimah [AS} and her status
-Significant hadith about the status of Bibi Fatimah [AS]
-The events in the life of Bibi Fatimah after the death of the Prophet [SAW] upto her death, a look at the issue of Fadak
-The inerrancy of Bibi Fatimah [AS]

Recap

Last time looked at the relationship between the family of the Prophet [SAW] and the Quran. The point of departure from the previous lecture was the hadith in which the Prophet [SAW] specified that he is leaving behind after his departure from the world – two entities of great value – the book of God and his family. Looked at general characteristics of the Quran – belief in which is shared by all Muslims, respective of their school of thought. Looked at verses of the Quran which are of particular significance to Shi’i Islam with respect to either the single person of Imam Ali [AS], the first among the twelve Imams [AS], or the family and lineage of the Prophet [SAW] as a whole, that was supplemented by the study of hadith of the Prophet [SAW], which made explicit, that which was implicit.

Brief History of the Prophet [SAW]

This lecture look at the Prophet [SAW], and his daughter Bibi Fatima [AS] who constitutes the link in between the Prophet [SAW] and the line of the Imams [AS]. Sometimes it has to be conceded that when an exposition is made of Shi’ism whether by it’s adherents or outsiders, inadequate attention is given to the person and the mission of the Prophet [SAW] only those intimate periods and aspects where the life of the Prophet [SAW] intersects decisively with the life of Imam Ali [AS] – only then is particular importance given to the Prophet [SAW]. However there is no doubt that the person and the accomplishment of the Prophet [SAW] is essential to the Shi’i historical consciousness as it is important to the consciousness of other Muslims.  

Born 570 AD about 40 years before the beginning of his Prophetic mission. There is a difference of opinion as to when he was precisely born, Sunnis say 12th Rabi al-Awwal, Shi’i say 17th Rabi al-Awwal. Mission began 610 AD. The mission begins with the revelation of the first verses of the Quran. The Prophet [SAW] is the recipient and transmitter of the Quranic message and has no authorial engagement in the text itself. However we must guard against the belief that the Prophet [SAW] was a messenger in the sense external to the message, or that the message was external to him. There was an organic and close relationship between the Prophet [SAW] and the Quran, not in the authorial sense, but in the sense that the whole being of the Prophet [SAW] became imbued with the Quranic message. This is hinted at in (26:194):-

‘Came down with it the Spirit trusted,’
‘Upon thy heart (O’ Our Apostle Muhammad!) that thou may be the warner.’ (26:193-194)

In other words that which recieves the Quran is the heart of the Prophet [SAW] it is not simply his memory or his intellect but his heart. The heart can be taken in at least two senses, it is the centre of the Prophet’s [SAW] being, the Quran was revealed or descended to the centre of the Prophet’s being and from there it radiated, permeated out into all aspects of his being, and his life and activity. The second important connotation of the word heart in the Quranic usage is that the heart is not so much the organ of emotion as the organ of vision. Therefore the Quran was received to the organ of inward vision of the Prophet [SAW]. The verse then continues, ‘…that thou may be a warner’, the purpose of revelation is due in part so that the Prophet [SAW] may be ‘a warner’.  

The early preaching of Islam, and  proclamation of the Quran as revelation began some few years later with the incident of the gathering of the principle relatives of the Prophet [SAW] and the proclamation to them  of his mission and the request that they aid him. Imam Ali [AS] as yet a child responded positively to this request. The conditions in Makkah did not significantly improve, persecution surrounded the earliest believers, with the result that two years later in 615 AD a partial migration of Muslims took place to neighbouring Ethiopia, where conditions were more favourable. In 620 AD about 10 years after the preaching of Islam in Makkah had begun the Prophet [SAW] was contacted  by citizens of the nearby city of Madinah. Persons belonging to the two principle tribes in Madinah the Aws and the Khazraj, they intimated to him that they wished to embrace Islam and invited him to come to that city to assume governance of it. This took place two years later in a seminal event in Islamic History called the Hijrah (the migration) in 622 AD. The word Hijrah simply means migration, it is however a migration of particular significance in that from being the leader of a small persecuted community in Makkah, now the Prophet [SAW] has the obedience and loyalty of the inhabitants of a city.

It is therefore a transformation of considerable significance. The acquisition of political authority by means of migration is not, as written by some western scholars a radical break without transition. The Quran confirms for us, that every messenger has necessarily had a people following him, over whom he has had authority which includes the  political. For example we find in 10:47:-

‘To every people (was sent) a Messenger: When their Messenger comes (before them), the matter will be judged between them with justice, and they will not be wronged.’ (10:47)

i.e. the messenger will adjudicate among them. The Hijrah is the starting point of the Islamic era, the first month of the year in which the hijrah took place is regarded as the beginning of the Islamic era. The fixing of the calendar, as beginning in the Hijrah is regarded to have been the work of the 2nd Caliph ‘Umar. There is however evidence that the choosing of the Hijrah as the point of departure of the Islamic calendar occurs already in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW]. Documents that have been preserved in history , point to the fact that the Hijrah was used already in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] as a point of departure for the new era. For example there is a letter of the Prophet [SAW] to some of the tribal chieftans in Arabic which is dated in the text in the 7th year after Hijrah. Therefore Hijrah is an extremely important event which resulted in the foundation of the Muslim community and the acquisition of political authority. Two years later the first battle took place between the nascent Muslim community in Madinah and the Polytheists in Makkah - resulting in victory, but the following year this was followed by defeat in the battle of Uhud.

Military confrontation continued and reaches a climax in 5 AH (627 AD) in the battle variously known as the Battle of the Ditch (Khandak), or the battle of the confederates. The first desigination arises out of the fact that at the suggestion of an Iranian companion of the Prophet [SAW], Salman (al-farsi) a ditch was dug around the perimeter of the city of Madinah in order to prevent attack. The second designation used for the battle is the battle of the confederates (Ahzab),because all the major enemies of the Prophet [SAW] had come together in a plan to uproot and overwhelm the Muslim community in Madinah. This confederation included some of the tribes in the vicinity of Madinah which had not as yet embraced Islam or pledged their loyalty to the Prophet [SAW], the polytheists in Makkah, some of the Jewish community in the region of Madinah although they had pledged loyalty to the Prophet [SAW] in political terms, also a group within the city of Madinah itself who had apparently accepted Islam but who were rooting for the overthrowing of Islam and the return of the previous order, this group is referred to in the Quran as the hypocrites or the Munafiqin. These groups came together but were ultimately defeated by the Muslims. The Quran mentions that the polytheists were overthrown by divine intervention and military strategy.

It was only a matter of time only before Makkah was liberated from the polytheists and this occurred in 630 AD, 10 AH. The Prophet [SAW] returns to Makkah, enters the courtyard of the Ka’abah and with the aid of Imam Ali [AS] cleanses the Ka’abah of all forms of idols, and all places of polytheistic worship. Thereafter we see the gradual spread of Islam throughout the Arabian Peninsula, so that by the time of the passing of the Prophet [SAW] in 632 AD the virtual entirety of the Arabian Peninsula has accepted however superficially Islam as the religion and the political authority of the state established by the Prophet [SAW]. This is a brief outline of the outer dimensions, the visible historical dimensions of the life of the Prophet [SAW], with particular emphasis on the clashes and conflicts that accompanied the rise of Islam.

The Seal of the Prophets

But obviously such an overview, or even a more detailed examination of these events would not do justice to the person of the Prophet [SAW], and the nature of his mission and its historical impact. In order partly to illustrate this we can turn to the Quran and examination of key verses that point to that lasting dimensions and the Prophet’s [SAW] impact. First the fact that the Prophet [SAW] is designated in the Quran the title the ‘Seal of the Prophets’.:-

‘Muhammad is not the father of any of your men, but (he is) the Messenger of Allah, and the seal of the Prophets: And Allah has full knowledge of all things.’ (33:40)

This expression denotes in part the fact that the Prophet [SAW] is chronologically speaking the last of the Messengers, the fact that he is the last of the messengers has the following corollary, firstly that the book that he has brought the Quran must necessarily be preserved in its textual integrity for the guidance of mankind otherwise one could hypothesise it would be an act of Divine injustice to allow one scriptural revelation to be destroyed or distorted and not to replace it with another for the guidance of mankind. Secondly with regards to the Quran  the designation of the Prophet [SAW] as the seal of the Prophets must also imply a comprehensiveness of that guide, a comprehensiveness in the scriptural guide that has been provided i.e. in the Quran. A guide to the ordering of their life in this world in all essential aspects, a guide to the understanding of creation and the universe, not in a detailed sense but in general terms. A guide on how to orient themselves towards the reality of the hereafter. So this is part of what is implied in the Prophet [SAW] being the seal of the Prophet. But the expression ‘seal’ has a particular significance. You could ask, would it after all have not been possible for the word ‘last’ to have been used. The word ‘seal’ implies not only the closing of something, the bringing of something to culmination or completion, it also implies a certain authority. The Prophet [SAW] is the seal of the Prophets by means of him placing the seal of authenticity and authority on all the preceding Prophets. He has therefore a certain particular relationship to all the Prophets that came before him. An explication of this part of the verse by the Prophet [SAW] himself, is when he has been recorded to have said that:-

‘I was the first of the Prophets to have been created and the last of them to be sent.’

The first of the Prophets to be created not in his biological form, clearly, which took place at a relatively advanced point in history. But in the sense of his spiritual nature and his contestance of Prophethood, that came at the very beginning. He therefore according to the history of things inaugurates the cycle of Prophethood, and terminates it. Sometimes the parallel is drawn to a seed which give rise to a tree, which is the proof of the tree, the Prophet is the seed of the Prophethood and also the mature fruit of that tree which that tree ultimately bears. From the specifically Shi’i point of view, the fact that the Prophet [SAW] has brought to an end the Prophethood, implies precisely the necessity of a new series of guides for humanity, guides who will not be the recipients of revelation but who will have the same function of exemplifying in their own persons, which are protected from sin and error - the Divine Will to guide humans.

Hujjah

‘Hujjah’ is a word that can be translated as ‘proof, evidence, or argument.’ There is a hadith from the Prophat [SAW] that says:-

‘The earth shall at no time be empty of a Hujjah.’

What is meant here by ‘proof’is an individual chosen by God, and protected from sin and error, who will be proof of the Divine Will to guide mankind, according to His Will. This verse (33:40) in which the expression occurs ‘seal of the Prophets’ begins with the statement that, ‘Muhammad is not the father of any of your men, but (he is) the Messenger of Allah…’ You have to see the verse in context with respect to the verses of the chapter, the preceding verse speaks of the prohibition of adoption in the formal sense of the word, that is to say, the adopted parent assumes the paternity of a child whom he takes into his care. Adoption of the infant, for example an orphan is a meritorious matter, however it is not permitted that the facts about the paternity of the child be suppressed and that a fictitious assumption of paternity be made by the adopting father. At the time of the revelation of this verse, a certain individual (Zaid) was very close to the Prophet [SAW] and was known as ‘the son of Muhammad’, this previous position was abrogated. However in this verse, Shi’i interpreters see in this verse an allusion to the fact that the lineage of the Prophet [SAW] passes not through any man or son, but rather through his daughter Fatima [AS]. In the authority verse the verse in which the believers are called upon to obey Allah [SWT], to obey the Messenger and the holders of authority from among them ‘Holders of authority’ being interpreted by Shi’i commentators as being the Imams. Obedience to the Messenger is established as being a corollary or even being a part of obedience to Allah [SWT]. However the relationship that the Quran puts forward that makes this mandatory for the believers is not restricted to obedience.

Love and Obedience

There is an important verse:-

‘Say (O’ Our Apostle Muhammad) ‘If ye do love God, then follow me, God will love you and forgive you your sins; Verily God is Forgiving, Merciful.’ (3:31)

Here the language used is not the language of obedience but the language of love, not that there is a contradiction between these two, rather they complement each other. Therefore the primary criteria and authenticity for the love Allah [SWT] is following the Prophet [SAW]. For ‘following’ here a different verb is used as for the obedience verse, ‘following’ implies a close imitation of an ideal model of behaviour, manifested by the Prophet [SAW], then the consequence of that will be the love of Allah [SWT], that is to say once the believers authenticated their love of Allah [SWT] by following the Messenger, then not as a matter of consequence because Allah [SWT] is above all causative relations, in His Wisdom He will secure Islam upon the believers. The love of following the Prophet [SAW] is the axis upon which turns God’s love for man and man’s love for God. You can refer to (68:4):-

‘And thou (standest) on an exalted standard of character.’ (68:4)

What is meant here by the mighty or the exalted character? In the first place it means the moral excellence, the possession of inerrancy, in addition to that many commentators of the Quran both Sunni and shi’i have seen here an indication that the Prophet [SAW] is the best of all humans, the allusive language ‘exalted character’ means that the Prophet [SAW] is at the very apex of humanity. Other verses of the Quran informs the Prophet [SAW] and the believers that he belongs to the human species like all others – however at the same time he is at the apex of the human species, this is indicated in this concise verse. These verses indicate something of the significance of the Prophet [SAW] within Islam in general terms.

Specific Functions of the Prophet [SAW]

As for his specific functions you can refer to (33:45-46):-

‘O Prophet! Truly We have sent thee as a Witness, a Bearer of Glad Tidings, and a Warner –‘
‘And as one who invites to Allah’s (Grace) by His leave, and as a lamp spreading light.’ (33:45-46)

There are a whole series of epithets indicating the functions of the Prophet [SAW]. Witness to the Divine Will to guide, witness to the impermanence of this world and the reality of Allah [SWT]. A giver of glad tidings – glad tidings of reward and salvation in the hereafter for the believers, and a warner at the same time, these two ‘giver of glad tidings’ and ‘warner’ complement each other and balance each other. A warner of retribution and punishment in the hereafter for those who neglect or deny guidance. One who summons to Allah [SWT] by means of His permission. Some commentators have seen a difference here between between the dual functions of warning and giving glad tidings on the one hand, and calling to Allah [SWT] on the other hand. The giving of glad tidings holds a promise of paradise and reward – warning, clearly is a warning against hell fire and punishment. So the key for motivation in response is hope and fear respectively – hope for reward and paradise – fear for hell fire and punishment. That is a different matter from responding to the messenger and revelation out of a desire for Allah [SWT] Himself – worshipping him and getting close to him. Therefore in the view of these commentators  the verse proceeds as a summons to Allah [SWT] directly without reference to reward or punishment – with His permission. In this summoning he is divinely guided – and finally the verse ends with the fact that the Prophet [SAW] was sent as a light giving lamp. The function of a lamp is to illumine one’s surrounding and to realize where one is – and to proceed in the desired direction. More can said about the status of the Prophet [SAW] the place that he holds, and the veneration of all his kinsfolk on the basis of the Quran, hadith of the Prophet [SAW] and other sources – however the focus of the lecture primarily at this point is to say that the reverence given to the persons of the Imams [AS] should not be taken to imply any diminished veneration for the person of the Prophet [SAW] himself.

Succession to the Prophet [SAW]

It is of course true that if we compare in the cases of Sunni and Shi’i Islam that the nature, quality and extent of the succession of the Prophet [SAW] differs in both cases, and this has some consequences. With respect to Sunni Islam – that ultimately three modes of succession to the Prophet [SAW] are claimed, alleged or imagined – arose. Firstly and most obviously the political- after the death of the Prophet [SAW] the institution known as the caliphate came into being. And although it underwent very swift regeneration, transformation into hereditary rule – still the ruler was seen as the successor to the political authority of the Prophet [SAW]. Then it may be said the scholars of Sunni Islam– did in a way exercise succession to the Prophet [SAW]. In that they had inherited knowledge from him and were perpetuating that dimension of his heritage. A hadith accepted by both Shi’i and Sunni Muslims is the one that says that:-

‘The scholars are the heirs of the Prophet [SAW].’

The scholars inherit from the Prophet [SAW] the quality of learning. In a diffuse sense those that perpetuate, cultivate the knowledge of the Prophet [SAW] the knowledge of religion, and Islam are said to be his heirs. Then there is a third sort of succession which emerges in the world of Sunni Islam – and that is that of the Sufis who claim initiatic descent from the Prophet [SAW] through a chain of spiritual authorities. These forms of descent were deduced in the gradual unfolding of Sunni Islam. However the Prophet [SAW] in all of these schemes alone remains the sole possessor of inerrancy. Inerrancy is the joint attribute of the Prophet [SAW], and his divinely appointed Imams [AS]. And it follow that a person coming after the Prophet [SAW] and who in once sense or another lays claim to being his heir does not possess the attribute of inerrancy. Moreover the context to the succession to the Prophet [SAW] in Shi’i Islam is a unified one and is not divisible into these three separate aspects – it is not divisible into political, scholarly and spiritual as in the case of Sufis. The Imams [AS] are comprehensively and integrally the heirs to the Prophet [SAW] in all of these aspects. This being the case the Imams [AS] definitely have an infinitely higher profile in Shi’i Islam than even the most beloved personages of Sunni Islam. The first four caliphs are seen as righteous persons and holders to reward, this is however in no way comparable to the status of the Imams [AS] in Shi’i Islam. With respect to the ‘ismah – inerrancy of the Prophet [SAW] it is only restricted to the Prophet [SAW] in Sunni Islam but also the definition of its scope is not as categorical as in the case of Shi’i Islam. There are those theorists or theologians who regard it as rationally possible that the Prophet [SAW] and those before him by obvious extension the other prophets could have engaged however temporarily in minor sins. Why ‘rationally possible’ because these people do not want to go so far as to say that the prophets actually did commit sins. It is possible that they could have done so – but there fundamental purpose as prophets is not diminished. In Shi’i Islam the inerrancy of the Prophets and Imams [AS] is categorical and comprehensive and does not even include the hypothetical possibility of a minor sin or error being committed.

The life of Bibi Fatimah [AS]

The second possessor of this inerrancy is Bibi Fatimah [AS]. The most common attribute given to her is Zahra – meaning the resplendent. Interestingly enough the Prophet [SAW] in some occasions addressed her as, ‘the mother of her father’. Indicating the extremely close relationship between himself and his daughter and the great solicitude that Fatimah [AS] gave to the well being of her father. Fatimah [AS] was born from the first wife of the Prophet [SAW], Bibi Khadijah [AS], about five years after the beginning of the mission of the Prophet [SAW]. There is a difference in dating between the Sunni and Shi’ah traditions. According to Sunni traditions she was born on 20th Jumada al-akhirah. She was the youngest daughter of the Prophet [SAW]. From an early age onwards she was particularly close to the Prophet [SAW] in a fashion which indicated a particular status for her. Before the Hijrah, the Prophet [SAW] was praying in the courtyard of the Ka’abah still at a time when Makkah was full of idolatry the enemies of the Prophet [SAW] whilst he was in prayer – threw dung on his back. Bibi Fatimah [AS] although yet still a child went forward to cleanse this from the back of her father and reproached the evil-doers who were responsible for that. She migrated to Madinah very soon after the Hijrah in the company of Imam Ali [AS] who was to become her husband, together with other ladies of the household of the Prophet [SAW] including Umm Kulthum.

When she was 15, the Prophet [SAW] was approached first of all by Abu Bakr (who was to be the first caliph), then by Umar (who was to be the second caliph), with the request to marry her – these requests were both turned down by the Prophet [SAW] himself. Then Imam Ali [AS] proposed and his proposal for marriage was accepted, Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS] were married in 5 AH. The material circumstances of the Prophet [SAW] himself and the early Muslims were very simple. It is said that the dowry that was provided to Bibi Fatimah [AS] consisted simply of a coated chain mail that had been booty at the battle of Badr, that had been apportioned to Imam Ali [AS] as his share. He sold this for 450 Dirhams, which was the dowry. She participated actively despite her tender years in the battle of Uhud, which of course represented a temporary setback for the Muslims. It is said that she bought food and water for the fighters, cared for the wounded and on this occasion directly for the Prophet [SAW] himself since one of the idolators had thrown a stone at the Prophet [SAW] resulting in the breaking of one of this teeth and bleeding. Fatimah [AS] came forward to wipe blood from the face of the Prophet [SAW] when bleeding did not stop – it is said that she burned a reed mat that was near by and used the ashes to staunch the flow of blood. She was therefore in every sense of the word close to the Prophet [SAW].

Imam Hassan [AS] was born on 15th Ramadhan, then followed by Imam Hussain [AS] on 3rd Sha’ban. Hassan [AS] and Hussain [AS] were the second and third Imams [AS], the grandsons of the Prophet [SAW]. This is a brief chronological account of the life of Bibi Fatimh [AS].

Surah Kauthar

Surah 108 of the Quran is one of the shortest chapters of the Quran consisting of three verses – it was revealed after the death in succession of two sons of the Prophet [SAW] – who had been born to Bibi Khadijah [AS] but who died very quickly in infancy. The opponents of Islam in Makkah had mocked the Prophet [SAW] with the assumption that his line would die out and that he would have no male heir to perpetuate his line. Thereupon this brief chapter of the Quran was revealed:-

‘Surely We have given you Kausar,
Therefore pray to your Lord and make a sacrifice.
Surely your enemy is the one who shall be without posterity.’ (108:1-3)

Al-Kauthar is a word derived from the root kathra meaning abundance. The commentators of the Quran have glossed this meaning in numerous ways – simply to mean abundant, good ‘khair al-kathir’, or it may alternatively be in fact is the name of a spring in paradise. It is permissible to see here as Shi’ah commentators have done that there is an allusion to the person of Bibi Fatimah [AS] a lineage would spring from her from her union to Imam Ali [AS]. The chapter is a refutation of the mocking claim of the unbelievers that the Prophet’s lineage will down out – but on the contrary in this chapter he is reassured in what is the original Arabic in the emphatic form that, ‘Surely We have given you Kausar,’ And that abundance can historically be seen as the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through his daughter Fatimah [AS] and his son-in-law Imam Ali [AS]. From them, their descendants a very large group of persons, their descending from the Prophet [SAW] came into being. They remain in the world – remain well known. Whereas the descendants of the opponents to the Prophet [SAW] in Makkah remain obscure and not well known – their lineage in historical purposes was cut off. This verse is in the nature of a prediction, the verse is revealed in Makkah , whereas the marriage of Imam Ali [AS] to Bibi Fatimah [AS] took place after the Hijrah in Madinah. The fact that we have here in the past tense, ‘Surely We have given you Kausar’ should not be taken as negating this aspect of the verse – it is indeed a prediction, and a very firm prediction – so sure is it that this event will happen, it is as if it is already happened i.e. has happened right now (assuredly). In the Quran itself is here an indication of the significance of Bibi Fatimah [AS] and her marriage to Imam Ali [AS].

In the last year of the life of the Prophet [SAW], the archangel Gabriel, the medium of the Prophet [SAW] came to the Prophet [SAW] twice. It was generally a custom of the angel Jibril to come to the Prophet [SAW] once a year in order to review with him the text of the Quran up until it had been revealed to that point. In the last year of his life Jibril came to him twice. And this was taken by the Prophet [SAW] as an indication that he would die soon thereafter. He conveyed this to his daughter Fatimah [AS] and she was inconsolable with grief about this forewarning of his death. He [SAW] consoled her however by the fact that she would be out of all persons of the family of the Prophet [SAW], the first to meet him in paradise, and that she was the foremost of all the leading women. This was the last exchange between the Prophet [SAW] and his daughter Fatimah [AS]. It is said that so close was her relation to her father that even in a number of outward respects she resembled her father. She resembled him in her manner of speech, in the way that she walked – above all in the simplicity and honesty of her way of life. Such is the veneration in which her father held her, that whenever she would come into his presence he would smile and rise to his feet. This was her father and of course as Messenger of God a personage of very high prestige and authority. It is said also that whenever he left Madinah to participate in a military expedition the last person that he would go to say farewell was Fatimah [AS]. And when he returned from those expeditions the first person that he would meet was likewise Bibi Fatimah [AS].

Important Traditions about the Special Status of Bibi Fatimah [AS]

All of this indicates a close relationship between father and daughter – however this close relationship goes beyond simple natural feelings between a father and daughter. The following two traditions are of particular importance. There is a tradition in which the Prophet [SAW] says (this is found in the two principal books of Sunni tradition Sahih Bukhari and Muslim as well as in Shi’ah books):-

‘Fatimah [AS] is a part of me, whoever causes her to rejoice, has made me rejoice. Whoever has grieved her has grieved me. Whoever has grieved me has grieved Allah [SWT]. And whoever has grieved Allah [SWT] is an unbeliever.’

This is a very strong emphasis on the love and esteem in which Fatimah [AS] was held by the Prophet [SAW], to such a degree that grieving her – causing her disquiet, pain, discomfort or trouble is equated to grieving Allah [SWT], causing offence to Allah [SWT] and leading to the loss of the quality of faith itself. Then another hadith of relevance, is the hadith in which the Prophet [SAW] says that:-

‘Among all women in the world, the one most beloved of him was his daughter Fatimah [AS], and among all men the one most beloved of him was Imam Ali [AS].’

Therefore it can be concluded that the offspring of Bibi Fatimah [AS] and Imam Ali [AS] were the offspring of those who were the most beloved of the Prophet [SAW]. This has a significance transcending  the sphere of personal emotion and attachment. It means that the descendants of these two – do not simply have Divine authority but they were offspring of those who were most beloved to the Prophet [SAW] as well.

After the death of the Prophet [SAW]

As to what befell Bibi Fatimah [AS] after the death of the Prophet [SAW] , Bibi Fatimah [AS] was grief stricken and inconsolable, to the extent that she asked some of the companions of the Prophet [SAW] how they had so easily thrown soil on the body of the Prophet [SAW] in the course of burying him, in other words did they not find this to be so painful as to be difficult. This was however just a reproach made in grief. More serious and an indicator of what was to come, was the question of Fadak. Fadak is a village with some arable land attached to it outside of Madinah which had been the personal property of the Prophet [SAW] and as heir to the Prophet [SAW], Fatimah [AS] came forward after his death – asking that the ownership of this land be properly assigned to her. This was refused by Abu Bakr on the grounds that the Prophet [SAW] had allegedly said that, ‘We the Prophets leave behind no legacy apart from knowledge.’ A hadith which was not well known, but apparently Aishah who was a widow of the Prophet [SAW] and of course the daughter of Abu Bakr had heard the Prophet [SAW] say this. The claim of Fatimah [AS] was therefore denied. There is of course Quranic evidence to the contrary:-

‘And Sulaiman was Dawood's heir, and he said: O men! we have been taught the language of birds, and we have been given all things; most surely this is manifest grace.’ (27:16)

Sulaiman inherited from Dawood – whatever is the scope and nature of that inheritance, clearly Prophets do inherit from each other. Fadak became symbolic for the denial of the claims of the family of the household of the Prophet [SAW] – not because it was material goods, this was insignificant, symbolically it was a denial of the legitimate claims of the household of the Prophet [SAW]. Later during the life of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], there were attempts made by the Abbasid Caliphs to co-opt him. And in order to satisfy Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] the caliph of the day offered to return to him Fadak. In other words it was still a live issue, in that point in time. Imam Ali Al-Rida [AS] said that:-

‘The entirety of the Muslim world is Fadak’

i.e. that rule of the entirety of the Muslim world is legitimately ours. In the short term however this denial of access to, and benefit from Fadak induced in Fatimah [AS] a hostility to Abu Bakr. She then retired effectively from public life, she died in 3rd Jumada al-akhir 11 AH. She was approximately 18 years of age at that time, obviously a very premature and early death. She died 75 days after the death of her father. As for the reason of death, what occasioned the cause of death, it is difficult to be certain. There is however the following account, when Abu Bakr was proclaimed caliph in a somewhat hasty fashion, allegiance was not sworn to him by Imam Ali [AS] or by Fatimah [AS]. Umar who was to be the second caliph is recounted to have in all sources – come to the house of Fatimah [AS], and to have said that:-

‘After the Prophet [SAW] there is no-one more in the world that I revere more than you, however cease permitting the opponents of the caliphate of Abu Bakr to gather in your house. From now on such gatherings will not be permitted.’

This is the least of what happened because this account taken from Sunni sources where there is no reason to invent a story of the discourtesy of Umar towards Bibi Fatimah [AS]. Other accounts which enlarge upon this say Umar in an obvious state of excitement came to the house – he pushed the door open violently and the door hit Bibi Fatimah [AS] causing her to miscarry the child with which she was at that point pregnant with. It may or may not be the case that some injury sustained on this occasion had something to do with her death. However one of the principle grievances of Umar is precisely this incident. That he came into the house of Bibi Fatimah and upbraided her for her refusal to give allegiance to Abu Bakr and for allowing the opponents of Abu Bakr to gather in her house. The degree of her disquiet of what had transpired was such that she made instructions for her burial to be taken place at night in the city of Madinah so that no-one should see it. She instructed that her body should be carried to the cemetery in a closed wooden box. Muslims are of course not buried in coffins they are buried in shrouds, but she did not wish to have her shrouded body exposed to public view, therefore it was taken as far as the cemetery in a wooden box. She also forbade attendance to the funeral prayer those who had offended her in her lifetime. Her funeral prayers were carried out by Imam Ali [AS] who also placed her in her grave.

However one interprets the precise circumstances of her death the conclusion is inevitable, that it marked the beginning of the sad and tragic events and misfortunes that befell the Ahl al-Bait [AS]. One of the features that is seen to be in common with all the fourteen Ma’sumin, with the exception of course Imam Mahdi [AS], is that they died as martyrs, because of some injustice inflicted upon them. In the case of the Prophet [SAW] it is said that, his death was ultimately due to a poisoned morsel of wheat which was fed to him by a Jewish woman at the conclusion of one of the military expedition from the city of Madinah. There is no way of ascertaining this for sure, but it is definite that all the bearers of the Divine Word, the guides of mankind in the form of the Imams [AS] are seen to have struggled and suffered tremendously. As we can see in the case of the Prophet [SAW] and the ordeals that he underwent as mentioned in the Quran. Part of what is inherited from the Prophet [SAW] and indeed from the entire line of prophets before the Prophet [SAW], is struggling, suffering and martyrdom – there is a distinct coloring to religious, sacred history in that it is a history of struggle against difficulty.

If it is said that Bibi Fatimah [AS] is the second of the ma’sumin, then in what sense is she inerrant. She never exercised the office of prophet or Imam. We have a number of sayings from her relating what her father said. But she is not a figure of authority in the sense of being a leader of the community, rather her inerrancy consists of the actions that she took in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] and thereafter, and her moral purity. Above all she is designated as the confluence of two lines in her person – not simply in the biological sense but also spiritual. The line of the prophets which ends with the Prophet [SAW], and the line of the Imams [AS] which begins with Imam Ali [AS]. Therefore she is the junction of the two lines, both of which are characterized by ‘Ismah, therefore it is entirely rational that she was a person of such meritorious character.

Edited by NormaL_UseR, 03 February 2008 - 09:07 AM.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 4

Synopsis

-A brief look at the history of the life of Imam Ali [AS] and his status with relation to the Prophet (SAW)
-The event of Saqifah, and events that transpired after the death of the Prophet [SAW]
-A look at the lives of the three caliphs, and the role of Imam Ali [AS] during their reigns

A Brief History of the Life of Imam Ali [AS]

This is a look at that person that from the point of view of Shi’i Islam is the third from among the ma’sumin, the third of the presenters of the quality of inerrancy – ‘ismah which is shared by the Prophets and the Imams – Imam Ali bin Abi Talib [AS] the first of the Imams [AS]. Have spoken in the previous lecture looking at verses of the Quran which allude to him, also hadith of the Prophet [SAW] which indicate the special status of Ali [AS] as his successor, his successor as him [SAW] being the last of the Prophets. Today will look at his ascension, to power in the office of the caliphate. Imam Ali [AS] was born on the 13th Rajab approximately 22 BH (before Hijrah). The father of Imam Ali [AS] was Abu Talib, the paternal uncle of the Prophet [SAW]. His mother was Fatima bint Asad. It is said in Shi’i tradition (Sunni tradition is only partly in agreement) that Imam Ali [AS] uniquely among all humans was born in the Ka’bah – which is the structure in Makkah which is the point of orientation of the Islamic prayer, the main focus of the Hajj, the first house of monotheistic worship, for mankind, according to Islamic tradition. Therefore the birth of Imam Ali [AS] within the Ka’bah is seen to be of particular symbolic significance, it means that from his very first origins he was intimately related to monotheistic worship, precisely because he was born within the house of God, he is therefore known as ‘maulud al-ka’bah’ – ‘the one born in the ka’bah’. Not only was he from the outset intimately linked to the house of monotheistic worship, he also had a close relationship in addition to the biological relationship to the Prophet [SAW] himself, it is said that in his early childhood, in Makkah, Abu Talib found his sources under strain, It was difficult to provide for all his children. Therefore the Prophet [SAW] took Imam Ali [AS] his young cousin, under his care, to lighten the burden on Abu Talib. Therefore Imam Ali [AS] grew up with the Prophet [SAW] from the age of 5 onwards, and remained closely with him in childhood except for a short absence in the time of the Hijrah. This closeness implies that the Prophet [SAW] himself undertook the upbringing, education and spiritual upbringing of Imam Ali [AS], and Imam Ali [AS] was involved intimately in all affairs of the life of the Prophet [SAW]. An indication of this remarkable closeness is one of the sayings of the Prophet [SAW] where he says:-

‘Ali is from me and I am from Ali’.

When reviewing textual proofs for the doctrine of the Imamate, there is that incident when Imam Ali [AS] uniquely among the relatives of the Prophet [SAW] , stood up to declare his belief in the message of the Prophet [SAW] and was accordingly declared to be his successor (khalifah) and trustee (wasi) and his heir (wali). This event took place according to different versions when Imam Ali [AS] was 9, 10, or 11 years of age. Irrespective of the precise age at which Imam Ali [AS] declared his belief in the message of Islam it is certain that he was the first or the second person to embrace Islam. It is possible that he was simply the first male to do so, and was preceded in his profession of Islam at the inception of the Prophetic mission by Khadijah [AS] the wife of the Prophet [SAW], the mother of Bibi Fatima [AS]. When sectarian traditions in later Islamic history cause controversies to emerge relating to the sacred virtues of Imam Ali [AS] and the first of the Caliphs Abu Bakr, inevitably the factor of the file in embracing Islam became controversial, it is certain that Abu Bakr was the among the earliest to embrace Islam, among Sunnis it is said that he was the first male, and if not the first adult male to embrace Islam. But what is certain is that Imam Ali [AS] was one of the first people to embrace Islam, most probably only preceded by Khadijah [AS], the wife of the Prophet [SAW]. When the migration occurred, it is known that Imam Ali [AS] stayed behind in Makkah, sleeping in the bed of the Prophet [SAW] in order to conceal from the enemies of Islam in Makkah that the Prophet [SAW] had left, and to ward any possible events happening. And in fact the polytheists broke into the house of the Prophet [SAW] with the intention of killing him and instead found Imam Ali [AS] there in his bed. Soon thereafter, Imam Ali [AS] also left Makkah to go to Madinah – but before he did so there was another task to fulfil on behalf of the Prophet [SAW], concerning the trusts that had been given to the Prophet [SAW] by the people of Makkah. Because of the general reputation of the Prophet [SAW] for trustworthiness and honesty, many people in Makkah had given their valuables to the Prophet [SAW] for safekeeping. Imam Ali [AS] had to return these to their owners before leaving on behalf of the Prophet [SAW].

He left Makkah for Madinah accompanied by the two Fatimahs, his mother and Bibi Fatimah [AS] and a number of other close relatives– he caught up with the party of the Prophet [SAW] in Kubah just outside Madinah. During the madinan period in the life of the Prophet [SAW] after Hijrah, Imam Ali [AS], fulfilled a variety of important tasks. A symbolic bonding took place between the migrants from Makkah and the helpers in Madinah – one of the migrants from Makkah was assigned a person from Madinah as a brother, a kind of spiritual but also practical brotherhood, whereby, the migrant was taken into the household of the helper until he could establish his own household. One exception to this rule was the relationship of brotherhood between the Prophet [SAW] and Imam Ali [AS], the Prophet [SAW] would not accept anyone as his brother except Imam Ali [AS] even though he was not a helper in Madinah but a migrant. The following year Imam Ali [AS] married Bibi Fatimah [AS] the daughter of the Prophet [SAW]. Children followed, Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussein [AS], the grandsons of the Prophet [SAW] who were the second and the third of the Imams. A male child was later still born under circumstances of depraved foul play (mohsin). And two daughters, Laylah and Umm Kulthum (the mother of Kulthum). It is worth emphasising that while Fatimah [AS] the daughter of the Prophet [SAW] was still alive, Imam Ali [AS] did not take any other wives. Out of respect for Fatimah [AS] and out of respect for the Prophet [SAW]. Throughout the life of the Prophet [SAW] in Madinah, in which the community was established and the power of the Muslims spread throughout the Arabian Peninsula, Imam Ali [AS] at the side of the Prophet [SAW] took part in all the important  battles that took place – Badr, Uhud .On the occasion of Uhud a stone was thrown at the Prophet [SAW] by one of the enemies, one of his teeth was broken causing him to bleed. He was taken care of by Bibi Fatimah [AS], who wiped the blood away from the cheek of the Prophet [SAW], and stopped the bleeding. On this occasion Imam Ali [AS] also established a protective shield around the Prophet [SAW], it is said unanimously by all sources, Sunni and Shiah – that a large number of the Muslims forces had prematurely dispersed imagining that the battle had been won, enabling the enemy to regroup and attack the Prophet [SAW] due to the initiative of Imam Ali [AS] that the Prophet [SAW] was protected from the hostility of the enemies.

Also significant in the military career of Imam Ali [AS] was the battle of Khaibar. In a fortified Jewish settlement outside Madinah, In the battle that took place there, Imam Ali [AS] is recounted to have lifted up a heavy iron door or gate and used it as a shield, against the enemy. In all of these cases he acted as a commander, and as a standard bearer under the Prophet [SAW]. There were a number of military expeditions in which Imam Ali [AS] was the commander himself, for example the expedition against the yemen which took place in 10 AH. When the Prophet [SAW] in that same year undertook the last campaign of his life to Tabuk, in southern Syria, he left Imam Ali [AS] behind in his place as the governor of Madinah. In view of his military prowess, Imam Ali [AS] entered tradition, and this is the language found in Sunni and Shiah traditions as the conquering lion of Talib, Asadullahu talib. One of the central factors to the image of Imam Ali [AS] that emerged is his prowess, and courage as a warrior.

Imam Ali [AS] was also one of the foremost scribes of the Prophet [SAW], the Prophet [SAW] was unlettered an attribute that is referred to in the Qur’an on a number of occasions. Unlettered is used rather than illiterate, although the practical meaning of both words is the same – because illiteracy is regarded as a defect in others, but in the case of the Prophet [SAW] the fact that he was unlettered is a providential virtue, therefore in order to establish that distinction it is said that the Prophet [SAW] is unlettered rather than illiterate. Why was it regarded in this case as a providential virtue? Because the revelation to be received was in the form of a book, and given the unlettered nature of the Prophet [SAW] he lacked previous knowledge of books – therefore the advent of the written angle was untouched by previous books. However the revelation was recorded in a written form as a text. The revelation of the Qur’an was followed in immediately in almost all cases in its entirety, by the whole process of preservation of the text. Firstly and most important to begin with – memorisation. People in circles of the Prophet [SAW], would memorise portions of the Quranic text, Arabs at that time had less acquaintance with the written word - and therefore relied on memory and had an enhanced ability to memorise texts. There was also the recording of the text on a variety of mediums such as paper – the materials were diverse – rocks, dried palm leaves, fragments of parchment, animal skins – all of these were used to record the text. One of the scribes designated with recording the text was Imam Ali [AS].

It is said in Shi’ah tradition and this is only partly confirmed in Sunni tradition that Imam Ali [AS] already in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] compiled a complete record of the Quranic revelation. The quarrel is that the compilation of the text as a uniform text of the Quran, as a book between two covers took place in the time of Uthman with the exception of the complete text of the Qur’an that is said to have been prepared by Imam Ali [AS] together with a commentary. In addition to acting as a scribe with respect to the Quranic revelation, Imam Ali [AS] also acted as a scribe with respect to other compilations aswell. For example documents that the Prophet [SAW] needed to be wrote, he wrote, for example the treaty of Hudaibiyyah – the treaty of the armistice of Hudaibiyyah. At one point in the conflict between the Muslims and polytheists, an armistice was agreed upon which would permit the entry of the Muslims into Makkah the following year for performing the pilgrimage rites. Later the terms of this agreement were violated by the polytheists, thereupon the process of the conquest of Makkah began. The text of the treaty of Hudaibiyyah was written down by Imam Ali [AS]. Once Makkah was conquered and Islam was firmly established, Imam Ali [AS] was entrusted by the Prophet [SAW] with the destruction of the idols in the courtyard of the Ka’abah, the idols worshipped by the tribes of Makkah – the Aus and the Khazraj.

Imam Ali [AS] also prepared the body of the Prophet [SAW] for burial after his death. He washed the body of the Prophet [SAW] prior to burial and then preceded to undertake the burial. The burial of the Prophet [SAW] coincided with one of the decisive events of early Islamic history, the gathering in Madinah at a place known as the Saqifah. Saqifah was the assembly hall, part of the culture in Madinah and presumerably other cities at that time is that a gathering place was used for one or more tribal groups. Although Islam came to overcome tribal divisions and affiliations, they persisted during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] and for a long time afterwards – these were the factors the complicated and burdened early Islamic History. As soon as the news of the death of the Prophet [SAW] in 10 AH spread in Madinah, a number of citizens of Madinah gathered in Saqifah. Primarily, initially the Ansar. The first written account we have of what transpired in Saqifah, dates from 150 years after the event – a complete picture of events that took place after the death of the Prophet [SAW] had begun to crystalise in both Sunni and Shi’i tradition, and indeed complement each other. The broad outlines of what transpired are more or less identical in Sunni and Shiah tradition, significant details are however subject to difference, there is no reason to dispute the fundamental narrative, although the details maybe different.

The Event of Saqifah

When the Prophet [SAW] died the Ansar gathered in Saqifah – at that time Imam Ali [AS] along with two others of the companions of the Prophet [SAW] from the migrants were in the house of Bibi Fatimah [AS]. Abu Bakr, Umar, and other of the muhajirun were in a different location again. Word reached Umar of what was underway at Saqifah, that the Ansar without participation of the migrants (muhajirin) were trying to determine who should emerge as the head of the community i.e. how the succession of the Prophet [SAW] should take place. Umar who seems to have taken the initiative in this matter persuaded Abu Bakr that they should immediately go to the Saqifah in order that they could intervene in the discussions that were underway and to forestall the attempts made by the Ansar to assume leadership of the Muslim community. Once they arrived there, the Ansar began to relate the services they had rendered to Islam by receiving the Prophet [SAW] and the other migrants on their arrival in Madinah and on this basis they were entitled to select a ruler of the community. They were interrupted by Umar, but initially he was ignored, he began to speak again and was this time interrupted by Abu Bakr, who approached the matter more intelligently and cautiously than Umar had done. He did not attempt brow beat the Ansar but rather said that it is a matter of pragmatic reality only the migrants, or a group from among them could prove accessible to the Arabs throughout the community because the tribal group from which the migrant emerged (the Quraish) had the highest prestige throughout the Arabian Peninsula, and no higher rank could be claimed by any of the Ansar. And he said by way of consolation:-

‘We the Quraish (i.e. the migrants from Makkah) should be the rulers (‘umara’a) and you (the Ansar) should be their assistants or administrators (wuzara’a)’

At this point the choice of an individual had not been made by Abu Bakr and Umar at least not openly, and Abu Bakr having completed his rationale for selecting the successor from the migrants took the hand of Umar and another of the migrants Abu Ubaidah who had accompanied them – then invited all those present to select one of the three – Umar, Abu Bakr or Abu Ubaidah. At this point for the first time in the discussion the name of Imam Ali [AS] was mentioned, some of the Ansar present said that if one from among us is not to be the ruler, then the person that we choose and who is unequalled is Imam Ali [AS]. This lead to further stormy discussions and a lot of angry accusations between Umar and some of the Ansar at which point then Umar interrupted the discussion, and took the hand of Abu Bakr in a dramatic gesture, lifting it up, and pledging loyalty to him, and he was followed in this act by the other migrants that were present on the occasion. In other words the discussion was foreclosed, and Umar by this sudden gesture recognised Abu Bakr and invited others to follow and gradually the majority of those present followed the lead provided by Umar. You could see from this affair whoever participated however you may evaluate it in ethical terms, the motivations of the participants, and it was far from being a voting process. It is inceasingly said in recent times that it is a distinguishing feature on Sunni political thought especially in relationship to the succession to the Prophet [SAW], that the leader should be ‘elected’. As opposed to or in contrast with the very obvious and clear persistence in Shia Islam which says that is should be left to the choice of the community to select who should be the leader, the ‘successor’ to the Prophet [SAW] is the natural leader. Umar described what had happened as a ‘faltah’ – an Arabic word which means something like an ‘abrupt and sudden happening’, he says in a sentence which is apparently paradoxical that, ‘there was a faltah but it was not by means of a faltah’ by which he means that there was a sudden and abrupt event, but it was not as a result of a sudden and abrupt event. By which he presumerably meant that despite the circumstances, a certain stability in rule was undoubtedly established. From a polemical point of view it might by said that the outcome in question was something of a coup d’etat in that is was a sudden assumption of power, by means of a process that was somewhat persuasive and somewhat coercive. After there had been a swearing of allegiance by the majority of those present to Abu Bakr, on the insistence of Umar – there was a gathering in the mosque of Medina, where other members of the community who had not been present in Saqifah came and gave their oath of allegiance to Abu Bakr. Ali [AS] then was summoned to the mosque by Abu Bakr and Umar in order for him to swear the oath of allegiance, this he refused to do. And he left and thereafter went back to the house of Fatimah [AS]. He was pursued there by Umar who told him that he should show solidarity with the other migrants and swear his loyalty to Abu Bakr, saying that the Ansar had chosen him because of his close relationship to the Prophet [SAW], Ali [AS] replied that he also had a close relationship with the Prophet [SAW], if not closer than Abu Bakr, again he refused to swear allegiance, and on this occasion was allowed to go by Umar freely.

On another occasion, a number of other companions of the Prophet [SAW] from among the Migrants and some of the helpers had gathered at the house of Fatimah [AS] to discuss the situation regarding the allegiance of Imam Ali [AS] to Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr and Umar came with an armed party to the house of Bibi Fatimah [AS], and threatened to burn the house down, unless those who were present came forth in order to confront them. Bibi Fatimah [AS] responded, that they should restrain themselves because there were children in the house and that if they did not she would come out against all of them as the surviving daughter of the Prophet [SAW]. Umar however pushed the door open, and it is said that the door fell upon Bibi Fatimah [AS], causing her to have a miscarriage, the baby Mohsin, her third son, was born still born – Ali [AS] still refused to give alliegance. The details of this series of coercive events, the attempts to threaten coercion are of course matters of contention (between Sunnis and Shiahs) but what is certain is that Ali [AS] refused to swear allegiance to Abu Bakr for an extended period. In order to as it were amend the historical record, that is found in Sunni sources that as soon as Ali [AS] had found out that Abu Bakr had been made the Caliph, he hurried to him to swear alleigance, and he left the house running only half dressed – the reality of the matter is however that there is no historical evidence for the giving of allegiance of Ali [AS] to Abu Bakr for at least six months into the caliphate of Abu Bakr. And then the allegiance appears to have been motivated obviously after a significant delay, of course not out of any acceptance of the legitimacy of Abu Bakr,  but because of the political circumstances in which the Muslim community was. There were a number of wars underway some of the tribes that had embraced Islam and sworn allegiance to the Prophet [SAW], had risen up in rebellion against Madinah. There were also wars for expansion outside Saudi Arabia – and because of these circumstances Imam Ali [AS] finally swore allegiance to Abu Bakr. On the other hand you see that throughout the Caliphate of Abu Bakr, which spanned 13 years, that Imam Ali [AS] remained separate from political life. Imam Ali [AS] who had participated in every battle during the time of the Prophet [SAW] did not take part in a single battle that was waged during the caliphate of Abu Bakr, Umar or Uthman. This must also be taken at least as a sign of the dissatisfaction of Imam Ali [AS] with the rule exercised by the first three caliphs.

The Caliphate of Abu Bakr and a Look at What Prompted the Muslims to Disobey the Prophet (SAW) with Regards to His Successor

Then extent of his participation in public life is that during the caliphate of Umar he acted briefly as the governor of Madinah whilst Umar was on a campaign against Palestine – other than that however we see him concentrating on teaching religion and teaching and preaching in Madinah. That, and Abu Bakr and Umar, on occasion sought his advise occasionally on legal matters. Umar was reported to have said on one occasion when he was about to have a dubious verdict, ‘Had it not been for Ali, then certainly Umar would have been lost’. Apart from this, this scholarly concentration of Imam Ali [AS] on teaching and preaching during this period, was an indication that from the very outset the institution of the Imamate although including the claim to legitimate political rule was not essential to it, Imam Ali [AS] although having been denied the political leadership of the community was still the Imam – he is already the Imam now. Because the Imamate does not even primarily mean the assumption of political rule, but there are other functions aswell. Although an explicit doctrine for the Imamate had not yet come into being it can certainly be said that the concentration of Imam Ali [AS] on these matters was explicitly an indication that the Imamate was far more than a simple claim to political power. These events form the historical origin to the Sunni/Shiah division, so soon in Islamic history a fundamental division appeared, this division had a whole series of connotations. This resulted in a number of different schools of thought, which had a great deal in common but also had their own personality and identity.

One of the questions that will inevitably arise, is that if indeed if the Prophet [SAW] had nominated Imam Ali [AS] as his successor at least twice, once in the feast of the kinsmen, then at Ghadir Khum, if there are these numerous hadith specifying the relationship between Imam Ali [AS] and the Prophet [SAW], there are also many allusions to this fact in the Quran – then how was it that the wishes of the Prophet [SAW] were disregarded so soon after his death, by people so close to him aswell i.e. Abu Bakr and Umar. There is no clear and satisfactory answer. The verse in the Qur’an that relates to Ghadir Khum, the ayah where if the Prophet [SAW] does not convey what Allah [SWT] has told him then his whole message will be worthless, this is interpreted by Shiah Muslims to be about the nomination of Imam Ali [AS]. The verse concludes with:-

‘…'and surely will God protect thee from (the mischief) of men'…’ (5:67)

From this we can conclude that there was opposition to the Prophet [SAW] from amongst the Muslims themselves. Those with an outward sense of Islam, but inwardly they sympathised with the enemies of Islam i.e. the Jews of Madinah and provinces in Makkah. A lot of verses in the Qur’an enjoin obedience on the Prophet [SAW], and it would be reasonable to conclude that the repetition of this verse is because of the reluctance of some of the Muslims to obey the Prophet [SAW]. From another point of view you might say that it was necessary to establish the principle that the corollary obedience to Allah [SWT] is to be obedient to the Prophet [SAW]. It is probably true to say that the consolidation of the doctrine of unconditional obedience to the Prophet [SAW] took time to establish, even on theoretical terms. One more consideration that maybe advanced, is that although the proclamation of Imam Ali [AS] at Ghadir Khum as the next leader had been heard by a considerable number of people – it had not been heard by the totality of the Muslim community – communications in those days were primitive, and it might therefore have been the case therefore that there were those amongst the early Muslims who were unaware of the proclamation of the Prophet [SAW].

The Caliphate of Umar

Abu Bakr died two years after appointement as a caliph and was preceded by Umar. It appears that nomination of Umar as the successor was preceded by protestation by a few people. Abu Bakr called Uthman to his place with some parchment so he could write his written testament as to who should succeed him. While he was writing he lost consciousness temporarily, and then Uthman added to the written document that I appoint Umar as Caliph. And when he recovered consciousness he gave the written document to Uthman. It is curious that we see Abu Bakr appointing a successor, whereas from the Sunni point of view, the Prophet [SAW] supposedly left matters to the judgement of the community. The whole concept that the first four Caliphs were appointed in some process of orderly consultation, through democratic process, is not historically correct. The emergence of Abu Bakr as the first caliph – lacked consultation and was abruptly turned in the favour of appointment of Abu Bakr by Umar. The emergence of the second Caliph was by means of appointment by Abu Bakr.

Umar ruled for 10 years and was eventually assassinated – he nominated a council to choose the next leader from. This council included six people and included Imam Ali [AS] aswell. The council was headed by Abd al-Rahman bin Auf, who had been opposed to the nomination of Umar. Abd al-Rahman was the chair of the council, and he made it incumbent upon the candidates that if they wanted to succeed Umar in the Caliphate then they should follow three principles when they ruled firstly the Qur’an, then the Sunnah and thirdly the traditions of Abu Bakr and Umar. Imam Ali [AS] refused the third condition, he refused to acknowledge as a valid source of legal rulings, as a valid basis of rule the traditions established by Abu Bakr and Umar – this refusal therefore excluded him from nomination. The choice of the committee under the persuasion of Abd al-Rahman bin Auf found Uthman now worthy of choice as the choice of being the third Caliph.

The Caliphate of Uthman

One of he issues upon which Sunnis and Shiahs differ on the legal plain is the sources of Islamic Law. Although the substantive content of Sunni and Shi’i law overlap to a very great degrees but still the process by which those contents are elaborated and the sources for which these two schools of law rely on are substantially different. From the Sunni point of view the traditions of Abu Bakr and Umar are a valid supplementary sources of law, valid as the Qur’an and Sunnah. In Sunni tradition there are some questions marks over the traditions established by Uthman, but as far as the first two (Umar and Abu Bakr) they are referred to popularly as the Shaykhain i.e. the two elders, whose authority is unquestioned. From the point of view of Shiah Islam the two caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar their rulings are not regarded as being valid.

Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman and the totality of the Muhajirun and Ansar are in their totality regarded from the point of view of Sunni tradition as being the companions of the Prophet [SAW], Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman – the Sahaba. The literal translation, conveys an intimate, ongoing close relationship but the definition in Sunni Islam is much broader – it is an individual, of mature age, who has been in the presence of the Prophet [SAW] even on one occasion qualifies as being a companion. The effect of this loose definition of Sahaba assumes the fact that the effect of the presence of the Prophet [SAW] on this person would have a permanent effect on the person’s faith – elevating the status of the individial. Therefore in Sunni Islam it gradually became a fact that the companions are equally deserving of respect and veneration, whatever the complexity and controversy in their life. There even is a hadith the veracity of which is questionable that, ‘My companions are like the stars, whichever one you follow you will be rightly guided.’ Quite apart from the fundamental antagonism which has been seen here, there have been numerous differences of opinion and even armed clashes between different companions. Therefore there is great difficulty in saying that all of them were right and well intentioned, Sunni Islam does not see the companions as being sinless, they however are regarded as having committed any significant wrong in the community, and criticism of them is seen as not being justified.

In Shi’i Islam which takes are more distinguishing view and says that being a companion (i.e. having accompanied the Prophet [SAW]) of the Prophet [SAW] is not a guarantee of moral rectitude of that person. Sunni Islam sees the companions as a crucial source of guidance after the death of the Prophet [SAW] particularly the four caliphs. Whereas Shi’i Islam does not take this view of the companions and insists that some of the companions were misguided, and insincere. The caliphate of Uthman began peacefully enough, but it was very soon marred by nepotism, with significant fortunes of the state treasury being given to the relatives of the caliph. During this period Muawiyah his relative gained control of key provinces in Syria, basing himself in Damascus. Also other positions of power were given to his relatives. On one occasion the governor of Kufa in Southern Iraq, lead the prayers in the state of intoxication, and it was only after significant pressure that he was punished and removed from office. He also expelled from Madinah a person who was a companion of the Prophet [SAW] and an associate of Imam Ali [AS], one of those who upheld his cause, Abu Dar Ghafari – he was expelled from Madinah in order to silence him. Imam Ali [AS] strongly advised Uthman against his actions, he came out strongly in favour of Abu Dar Ghafari and in order to show his support, and register his displeasure to Uthman he accompanied Abu Dar to the outskirts of Madinah, accompanied by his sons Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS]. The downfall of Uthman did not however come at the hands Imam Ali [AS] but rather from soldiers coming from Egypt who had rebelled, they surrounded and besieged the house of Uthman in Madinah. Imam Ali [AS] tried to find a peaceful solution to the situation and send his sons Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] to guard the house of Uthman. They were unsuccessful, and the house was overrun, and Uthman was killed. This created a complex situation a chaotic situation whereby Imam Ali [AS] emerged finally as the caliph not by means of consultation but by means of popular acclamation, in the aftermath of the military uprising. There were therefore potentially four different ways in which succession took place for the four different caliphs. Later Sunni commentators refer to these four caliphs as the Khulafa rashidin, the rightly guided caliphs. This is in some sense justifiable as their rules (maybe with the exception of Uthman) stands in sharp contrast to the corruption and hereditary rule instigated by the Umayyads in Syria thereafter.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 5

Synopsis

-What is meant by Shi'ah
-Opposition to the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS]
-The role of the Imams [AS] with respect to gaining political leadership
-A look at the battle of the Camel
-A look at the battle of Siffin
-The emergence of the Kharijites
-The Battle of Naharwan
-Events till the death of Imam Ali [AS]

The Term Shi'ah

The assumption of the caliphate by Imam Ali [AS] took place either on the same day Uthman was assassinated or according to another source some five days later. It would be useful in order to understand what transpires during the exercise of rule by Imam Ali [AS] to go back a little to examine the nature of the opposition to Uthman because many of the factors of political disunity that were operative during the caliphate of Uthman persisted into the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS]. First of all among the opponents of Uthman were Abd al-Rahman ibn Auf, who had been influential in the selection of Uthman himself and in the selection of Umar he had been one of those few person consulted by Abu Bakr before Umar was nominated as successor. Abd al-Rahman ibn Auf claimed that Uthman had violated the oath that he had taken on the assumption of his rule, particularly that he had failed to distribute equitably the resources of the state in favouring his relatives. And indeed nepotism was a charge generally levelled against him from the range of his opponents. Seconldy those individuals that we classify as the Shi’ah of Ali – the word Shi’ah does occur in the Quran but in a sense totally disconnected to the historical meaning that it assumed. The word Shiah means a group of partisans or followers of a particular individual. It is therefore to be distinguished for example from the word Hizb which we do find in the Quran, meaning a group of persons dedicated to a particular cause, for example the Quran speaks of  ‘Hizb Allah’ it also speaks of ‘Hizb Shaitan’, the group or party dedicated to Shaitan. The word Shi’ah in Arabic has a different sense that is ‘a group of people dedicated to a particular individual’. In fact before it became essentially a proper name designating a major segment of the Islamic community, it was applied to persons other than Ali [AS]. For example in the period in question we find people designating themselves as the Shi’ah of Uthman, or the Shi’ah of Mu’awiyah, i.e. persons around whom crystalised a certain distinctive following. With respect to Imam Ali [AS] it can be said that his Shi’ah, i.e. the group of persons devoted to him in a particular sense existed already in the time of the Prophet [SAW], if we say that Shi’ah Islam, obviously not in the fully fledged historical form, existed in the time of the Prophet [SAW], existed in the very sources of Islam. Part of the reason for this is that we can see during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] is that we can discern that there were particular individuals who owed particular loyalty to Imam Ali [AS]. There are regarded as being eight people like this, among them who are of particular importance during the caliphate of Uthman who formed an element opposition to him are Abu Dar Ghafari – who was exiled from Madinah, because of his criticism of the rule by Uthman and Ammar ibn Yasir. Individuals such as these and those who more were more loosely associated with Imam Ali [AS] formed the second element in the opposition.

Opposition to Imam Ali [AS] and The Role of the Imams [AS]

Then it is necessary to mention three people who contested the rule of Imam Ali [AS] also, one of the surviving wives of the Prophet [SAW] and two of the companions who had migrated from Makkah to Madinah – Aisha, Talha and Zubair, we can say that these three essentially operated as a single unit. The reason for Aisha’s opposition to Uthman is not entirely clear it is plain from her subsequent behaviour during the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS] that she did not in any way favour him and she seems to have in general favoured rule by the Quraish, but not by Uthman who belonged to a different branch of the Quraish tribe of Makkah, than herself and her father Abu Bakr. As for Talha and Zubair, they had extensive landed estates in Iraq, which at this point had become one of the principle provinces of the Islamic realm and there was as subsequently unfolded during the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS] also an element of regional rivalry. Uthman favoured his kinsfolk who were based in Syria – Mu’awiyah and those who would subsequently become known as the Umayyads. Talha and Zubair identified to some degree with Iraq which was the site of their landed holdings. When Uthman was besieged in his house by the rebel army coming from Egypt, Aisha left went to Makkah it seems on the assumption that after the killing of Uthman, Talha – her principle ally would become the caliph. And then also a number of the Ansar, these two formed a coalition which was an element in the opposition against Uthman. The Ansar, the people of Madinah who had received the Muslims migrants from Makkah, and who found themselves in the reign of Uthman sidelined, disadvantaged in their own city.

After the murder of Uthman the caliphate fell into the hands of Imam Ali [AS]. It seems that a group of five individuals came together and consulted on the his position of rule. Initially Imam Ali [AS] was reluctant to accept the caliphate or the rule of the Muslim community, no doubt because he was aware of the splintered nature of political loyalties, and problems that existed and he was ready to defer to either Talha or Zubair. But when these five individuals insisted and there was a more general indication of popular support, then he consented with some degree of reluctance, in which he made plain that for him worldly rule did not have any important significance or value. We may insert here a certain point which is often raised in discussing the whole question of the Imamate and above all the conduct of Imam Ali [AS] during these tumultuous years. It is said sometimes in a polemical context but nonetheless the question or remark is reasonable and deserve some attention that if the Imamate as the Shiah’s claim is a question of divine appointment, mediated through the Prophet [SAW], then surely it should be matter of duty for the ones who are nominated to claim the office. Whereas we see that during the rules of Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman, Imam Ali [AS] although dissenting in a very clear and unmistakable fashion, their legitimacy, nonetheless did not press his own claim. Now when finally the exercise of leadership of the community comes his way he demonstrates obvious reluctance. How then is this to be squared with, with what Shiah Islam teaches about Divine Appointment, if the case of Imamate is analogous with Prophethood, clearly the Prophet (i.e. a Prophet in general) does not have a choice. This is an office that he must necessarily accept. To this the answer that is generally given is twofold. Firstly, the Imamate is not primarily or exclusively the actual exercise of political power, it certainly includes that - ideally and theoretically but it is not restricted to it. From the point of view of Shi’ah Islam, the Imamate of Imam Ali [AS], begins immediately upon the death of the Prophet [SAW]. For example we see that Shaikh Mufid says that for 30 years Imam Ali [AS] exercised the Imamate, for 24.5 years he was prevented from exercising rule and for for 5 years and 6 months he exercised rule albeit in the face of massive difficulties. The exercise of Imamate is one thing, and the actual wielding of political authority is another, they are not necessarily synonymous. This is a question that is relevant to the late unfolding of Shi’ism. Because we see that none of the Imams, except for a very brief period Imam Hassan [AS] one of the sons of Imam Ali [AS], held power for a very brief period and in a very restricted area. Otherwise, none of the Imams actually exercised power. Having said this does it mean that the Imamate never existed or it was simply a frustrated claim for political authority? No, because the essence of the Imamate is something else, it is the inheritance of a certain body of knowledge, a certain authority of interpretation of the Quran, of being a living prolongation of the Prophetic Sunnah, and other associated matters.

The second portion of the answer – of why Imam Ali [AS] did not at an earlier point move to claim decisive power for himself – is the fragility of the political situation as recognised by him. In other words in the time of Abu Bakr there were various dissensions in the community, this was the case also in the time of Uthman, therefore he recognised that he did not have a solid core of support on which to base himself and that already dissension and disunity existed within the community and therefore as a pragmatic measure he did not press his claims. Similar remarks, although the details differ on each application, may be held to apply to the subsequent Imams also. In fact, one of the explanations for the occultation of the Imam [AS] is precisely this, that the Muslim community as a whole, even those who claim to be the devotees of the Imams will be few in number and of insufficient devotion. Very soon after Imam Ali [AS] with some reluctance accepted rule, problems occurred. First was the question of identifying and punishing the murderers of Uthman. Imam Ali [AS] had sent his sons Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] to guard the house of Uthman when it was surrounded by the rebels from Egypt. And now he found himself facing the task of identifying and capturing the murderers. In the nature of things it was impossible to identify a single individual, because the killing had happened in the course of a tumultuous event, a crowd of several thousand overrunning the house of Uthman. In fact when attempts were made to identify the one who had made the fatal blow or blows, a crowd of rebels gathered in Madinah and called out in unison, ‘We have all killed him.’ In other words they were happy to assume collectively, responsibility. Therefore it was not possible to identify or punish, either one or a group of people.

It seems that the first order of priority of Imam Ali [AS] after assuming rule was the restoration of order in Madinah. And then gradually extending his authority to the other areas of the Muslim world – which now of course included the lands to the north of the Arabian Peninsula, present day Syria, Palestine, Iraq and also Egypt. At this point Aisha came back to Madinah from Makkah and it seems already began to participate in hostile activity against Imam Ali [AS]. Meanwhile the supporters of Uthman, his kinsfolk, left the city and gathered in Makkah joined by the former governors of Basrah and Yemen. The governors who had been appointed by Uthman and had immediately been dismissed because of their mismanagement of affairs by Imam Ali [AS]. Uthman, as one of the migrants was from the Quraish tribe of Makkah – but he was the uncle of Mu’awiyah who in turn was the son of Abu Sufian. Abu Sufian had been one of the most dogged opponents of Islam and had accepted Islam only at the very last moment i.e. when it became apparent that Makkah was going to be conquered by the Muslims but it is a safe assumption to make based upon his own conduct and that of his immediate descendants that this was an opportunistic conversion. A part of what was underway now was the attempt, although under the banner of a certain understanding of Islam to restore the pre-Islamic political order. Mu’awiyah the son of Abu Sufian was appointed by Uthman as the governor of Damascus in Syria. And there effectively made himself autonomous and independent of central rule in Madinah. And he was foremost among those that for opportunistic reasons demanded that Imam Ali [AS] should identify and punish the murderers of his uncle Uthman.

The Battle of the Camel

In the course of attempting to extend his authority from Madinah to the provinces, Imam Ali [AS] sent an envoy to Mu’awiyah in Damascus inviting him to give allegiance to him. The answer was a refusal, Mu’awiyah accused Imam Ali [AS] of complicitly mudering Uthman, and demanded vengeance for his slain uncle. Aisha now in Madinah also refused to give her allegiance to Imam Ali [AS], as did Talha and Zubair. This trio now went to Basrah to gather there, to form a kind of centre of opposition to Imam Ali [AS] who still at this point was established in Madinah as the capital of the Islamic realm. In the year 36 AH, 656 AD, Imam Ali [AS] left Madinah and came to deal with this centre of growing opposition in Basrah. On 15th Jamadi al-Akhir in the year 36 AH, 9th December 656 AD, the battle of the camel took place. At this battle Imam Ali [AS] and the forces that he had raised in Iraq, defeated this trio of opponents. Talha and Zubair were killed, Aisha was sent back to Madinah under escort. The battle of the camel is so known because the forces of the enemy were lead into battle by Aisha sitting on a camel, she effectively acted as a standard bearer to the forces of Talha and Zubair.

Why was Aisha opposed to Imam Ali [AS]? This question can be perplexing to Sunni Muslims who find themselves at a loss to find a satisfactory answer. It seems that the hostility may have gone back to the ‘incident of the slander’. On one occasion, Aisha it seems became separated from the main body of the Muslims in the course of one campaign, she was bought back to the Muslim camp by a young Muslim soldier who had found her. This appears to have aroused suspicions of unfaithfulness on her part, which was finally resolved by the revelation of verses 10-20 in chapter 24. It appears that among those who harboured suspicion to her among those was Imam Ali [AS]. In addition to this we know that Aisha the daughter of Abu Bakr, was among those who obligingly verified the hither to unknown hadith, that, ‘We the Prophets do now leave any property behind.’ When after the death of the Prophet [SAW] his daughter Bibi Fatimah [AS] went to Abu Bakr to claim the land of Fadak, which rightfully belonged to her as her inheritance. Abu Bakr refused her claim saying the Prophet had said, ‘We the Prophets do not leave any property behind.’ (i.e. we do not have any heirs in that sense). A hadith that had previously not been heard by others, but Aisha came forward and said that I heard the Prophet [SAW] say this. Whether or not she had, this again placed her in a context of hostility to Imam Ali [AS] and his wife Bibi Fatimah [AS]. So there are various reasons or factors that one may invoke to explain the hostility of Aisha to Imam Ali [AS].

The problem however arises from the Sunni point of view of explaining her presence on the battlefield in an armed rebellion, against Imam Ali [AS] who from a Sunni point of view is regarded as a legitimate ruler, he is counted from the Sunni point of view as being the fourth of the righteous guided Caliphs (Khulapah Rashideen). Some curious explanations have been put forward. One explanation is that she went there out of curiosity, wanted to know what was going on and somehow found herself in the middle of the battle. Another suggests that she wished to mediate between Ali and his enemies, which again cannot be sustained, because clearly she did not find herself between the two groups on the contrary she led into battle the troops of Talha and Zubair. The third explanation has proven the most persistent, also applies to the more significant case of Mu’awiyah, who fought against Imam Ali [AS] is the doctrine of Ijtihad. Ijtihad, is above all a legal concept, which means in the absence of a clear indication from the Quran or the Sunnah for a certain course of action, making effort (the word Ijtihad comes from the same root as the word Jihad the root is jahada – to make effort or struggle), exerting oneself intellectually or rationally in order to come up with the correct answer. In the absence of clear guidance from the Quran and Sunnah it is generally held that the result of ijtihad is fallible. In other words all you can aim for is a supposition of correctness but not its certainty. Therefore two people may with goodwill, engage in ijtihad and come up with entirely different answers. And it is said in explanation of the conduct of Aisha and later of Mu’awiyah that they like Imam Ali [AS] were engaged in Ijtihad, that is they were all engaged it trying to find out what was the best course of action, and from that point of view even though they were doing diametrically opposed things, somehow they were free of blame. This rather convoluted argument comes into being later, when polemical disagreements between Sunnis and Shi’ahs took off in earnest and when it became necessary to somehow accommodate both reverence for the wives of the Prophet [SAW] including Aisha, and the obvious fact that Imam Ali [AS] was the legitimate ruler. From the point of view of Shi’ah Islam there is no such problem. These arguments, these principles do not need to be invoked, Aisha is held to have been in an open and unseemly revolt against the designated successor to the Prophet [SAW]. After the battle of the Camel in 36 AH, 656 AD, Imam Ali [AS] buried the dead. It needs to be stressed that on each of these occasions, blood was shed and Muslims were killed, this was the first significant incidence of intra-Muslim blood shed. Imam Ali [AS] is recounted to have been overcome with grief, and he himself is reported to have engaged in preparing the dead for burial and in reading the funeral prayers over the dead of the enemy. He then renewed his summons to Mu’awiyah moving in the direction of Syria.

The Battle of Siffin

The demands were refused by Mu’awiyah, the second important battle took place during the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS] the battle of Siffin in 36 AH, 657 AD. This was a lengthy battle unlike the battle of the Camel which had been a swift battle, which lasted for about three months. When we say that the battle lasted for three months, there was not an intensive battle for the totality of this period, what it means is that the two armies faced each other off, with continuous clashes, but not with decisive or intensive battles taking place all the time. However, a decisive turning point was about to be reached on the night between the 9th and 10th of Safar in 37 AH, corresponding with July 27th and 28th of 657 AD. The governor of Egypt Malik al-Ashtar (one of the closest followers of Imam Ali [AS]) was about to inflict a decisive blow on the forces of Mu’awiyah. Indeed Mu’awiyah was about to flee and quit the battlefield. Then however, matters fatefully changed with the intervention of Amr ibn As, who was in the camp of Mu’awiyah – he said, addressing the army of Imam Ali [AS] and Mu’awiyah:-

‘Let the book of Allah judge (or mediate) between you.’

An appeal to the Islamic sentiments, for reverence of the Quran to the soldiers of each side. Mu’awiyah then bought forth one large copy of the Quran that had been lodged in Damascus. One of the events in the life of Uthman had been codifying the text of the Quran. Although as previously mentioned, it is said and believed on good authority, Imam Ali [AS] had himself compiled a complete text of the Quran, this was not in general circulation, only until the caliphate of Uthman was the text codified. One copy of he codified Quranic text was kept in Madinah, others were sent to the centres of rule outside the Arabian Peninsula including Damascus. This official copy of the Quran was bought forth and hung from the end of a spear, and the soldiers in the army of Mu’awiyah did the same with whatever copies of the Quran they had. One interesting sidelight to this part of the battle, we can deduce from it the large number of written copies of the Quran that must have been in circulation. If hundreds of soldiers in the army of Mu’awiyah had written copies of the Quran at this relatively early point (36 AH), then copies of the Quran at this point in time must have been very numerous. Also one could deduce from that, that literacy was at an advanced point aswell, possession of the Quran and the ability to read it was widespread. The historical effect that this trick by Amr ibn As had, the soldiers responded and said, ‘O Iraqis [i.e. the soldiers recruited from in and around Iraq] (O followers of Imam Ali) let us abandon fighting and let the book of Allah [SWT] judge between us.’ Why was this appeal particularly effective – not only because of the general reverence for the Quran that Muslims had at this point – even though they had fallen into dissension among themselves. Also because in the army of Imam Ali [AS] there were numerous individuals known as the Qurra’. Qurra’ is a plural (sing. Is Qarih). The word is cognate with Quran – Qarih is one who recites the Quran but by extension in general has a good knowledge of its contents, and an exceptional degree of religious knowledge. Precisely because these Qurra’ were numerous in the army of Imam Ali [AS], they were particularly susceptible to the pious proposal made by Amr ibn As on behalf of Mu’awiyah.

The Emergence of the Kharijites

Imam Ali [AS] was opposed to this suggestion of arbitration, in fact he invoked (9:49) of the Quran which mentions the possibility of dissension amongst the Muslims. But also the duty of fighting against the rebels until they are defeated by the legitimately constituted power. However he found himself overpowered by opposition within his own ranks. Many of the fighters that had joined from Iraq were motivated not so much by personal loyalty to Imam Ali [AS] and an understanding of the religious dimension of the matter, but simply by a regional loyalty to Iraq as opposed to the Syrian aspect or identity of Mu’awiyah and his following. The leader of the Iraqis who had been recruited by the army by Imam Ali [AS] told him that if he could not agree to the proposed arbitration his men would in fact desert him. They on they one hand and the Qurra’ on the other had came together to tie Imam Ali’s hands and to compel him to accept the suggested arbitration. Each side, the side of Mu’awiyah and the side of Imam Ali [AS] was to name an arbitrator or a mediator – Mu’awiyah nominated as his representative the same Amr ibn As who had originated the whole plan. Imam Ali [AS] chose, again under compulsion from various elements in his army – Abu Musa al-Ashari. Ali [AS] would have preferred to have as his representative Malik al-Ashtar who it seems had served him so well in battle and on other occasions but he was overruled.

As if dissension within his army as if it was not enough that he had been forced to accept mediation and arbitration, another group within his army then blamed him for having done so – claiming that it was his duty to fight and not to accept arbitration. If the slogan of those calling for arbitration had been, ‘let the book of Allah [SWT] judge between us.’ The slogan raised by this dissident group would have been, ‘There is no arbitration accept by Allah.’ In other words, however the battle might turn out, that may be interpreted as the rule of Allah [SWT]. These individuals who attacked and criticised Imam Ali [AS] from an entirely different view point were from the most part from the tribe of Tamimi. One cannot in these early clashes within the Muslim community entirely separate religious loyalty from tribal loyalty – in the same way that the regional factor has to be kept in mind – likewise tribal aswell. Very few of those individuals in the army of Imam Ali [AS] understood what was at issue in purely religious terms and granted loyalty to the Imam [AS] on those grounds. The Tamimis now refused to go along with the arbitration process. Imam Ali [AS] reminded them that this had been his wish indeed to pursue that battle come what may. Not to submit to arbitration, now he had, although under duress, concluded an agreement, then in accordance with Quran (16:91) he was obliged to proceed. This verse is the one which submits the violation of treaties and agreements. On receiving this answer from Imam Ali [AS] now 10,000 soldiers from the tribe of Tamimi withdrew from the army of Imam Ali [AS] – they left the city of Kufa which had become his capital city in southern Iraq, and set up camp outside the city. Imam Ali [AS] went to reason with them, and it seems that some 6000 of them listened to him at least enough to return to Kufa. 4000 determined dissidents from the tribe of Tamim however moved still further away from Kufa to Naharwan in eastern Iraq be it the present day territory of Iran. Whilst this was under way the mediators or arbitrators had their first meeting, at a place on the road between Syria and Iraq. The meeting took place in the month of Ramadhan 37 AH, February 658 AD. The mediators - Abu Musa al-Ashari the representative of Imam Ali [AS] (although not the representative of choice) and Amr ibn As came to the conclusion that the caliph Uthman although he had not exercised exemplary rule was nonetheless not deserving of death. Therefore Mu’awiyah had a point i.e. he was correct on insisting upon vengeance for the death of his uncle. From now on this became the indispensable pretext for Mu’awiyah in opposing Imam Ali [AS]. It was not that Mu’awiyah or anyone else had identified or was in a position to identify the person or persons directly responsible for the killing of Uthman. However it became a pretext for continued resistance to and opposition to Imam Ali [AS].

The Battle of Naharwan

Seeing the outcome of this first meeting of the mediators, Imam Ali [AS] attempted to gather his forces for a renewed war against Mu’awiyah. But by way of preparation he attempted to regain the loyalty of those who had left his army and had camped at Naharwan. Those people who seceded from the army of Imam Ali [AS] against his readiness to accept arbitration became known as the Kharijtes – Kharij means outside i.e. one who has exited, it also has the meaning of a rebel i.e. to come out against someone has the meaning in Arabic for rebelling against them. A Kharijite is someone who has left the community but has done so by way of rebellion. Fairly soon the Kharijites from their original opposition to Imam Ali [AS] on this particular point, evolved into a separate doctrinal school. One of course which has effectively died, although there are people in their attitude who are reminiscent of Kharijites in the Muslim world today. Kharijites, today no longer exist – although it is sometimes sad that an obscure group known as the Ibadis living on the frontiers of Libya, and Iberia – are a prolongation of the Kharijites. Fundamentally, however the Kharijites have gone out of existence – what becomes the hallmark of the Kharijites doctrinally is the belief that the commission of a sin causes an individual to lose his/her attribute of being a Muslim. They claimed that Imam Ali [AS] had sinned, although under duress to the process of arbitration, it was therefore necessary for him to repent in order to recover the quality of Being a Muslim, and therefore legitimacy to rule. Imam Ali [AS] went to war against the Kharijites when they refused to accept arbitration and accused him effectively of apostasy, at precisely Naharwan a battle took place on 9th Safar 38AH – 17th July 658 AD. This battle ended with a crushing victory against the Kharijites, they were effectively wiped out on this occasion. They remained however a number of Kharijites who were still in Kufa, those who Imam Ali [AS] had persuaded to return and he now invited them, as one indication of their loyalty to join him in a new campaign against Mu’awiyah. They refused, as a result of which another battle took place and again the Kharijites were crushed. These victories against the Kharijites however did not however substantially strengthen the military or political position of Imam Ali [AS], within Iraq. It seems that the multiple complications with which Imam Ali [AS] was confronted disheartened many of the soldiers, who were not motivated by strong devotion to his person or by a strong understanding and appreciation of his religious claim. After setting out on the road for another campaign against Mu’awiyah in Syria Imam Ali [AS] was obliged to return to his seat of government in Kufa.

Events Leading till the Death of Imam Ali [AS]

In the month of Sha’ban 38 AH – corresponding to January 659 AD – a second meeting of arbitrators took place. It went beyond the original brief, the original brief of the arbitrators had been to decide upon the legitimacy of Mu’awiyah’s complaint i.e. that Uthman had been unjustly killed and that his killers should be pursued by Ali [AS] and bought to justice. Now however the arbitrators proposed that neither Mu’awiyah or Imam Ali [AS] should be recognised as the Caliph of the Muslim community and that a new caliph should be chosen by a council the composition of which was yet to be determined. This apparently was an agreement that had been reached by a meeting of the mediators meeting in private. Abu Musa al-Ashari, the mediator reluctantly nominated by Imam Ali [AS] went along with this. However, Amr ibn As the associate of Mu’awiyah, whose idea the whole thing had been from the outset – i.e. the idea of arbitration and now that a new council in effect should choose a third person as caliph, went back on it and said that’ I recognise Mu’awiyah as the sole choice of Caliph’. Abu Musa objected to this violation of what had been apparently agreed between them but to no purpose. Now, the apparent possibility of mediation had been wiped out, there were now simply two opposing parties, Imam Ali [AS] with his fragmented following in Iraq and Mu’awiyah in Damascus and his following. Imam Ali [AS] saw that he had no choice but to resume warfare against Mu’awiyah, and in Kufa he did his best to gather together an army. And it seems that he gathered an army of about 40,000 which sounds an impressive figure but given the fragility of his following, not necessarily a reliable group of people. In any event before Imam Ali [AS] could set out for another confrontation with Mu’awiyah he was attacked whilst performing his dawn prayers 28th Ramadhan 40 AH, 28th January 661 AD by one of the Kharijites, by Abd al-Rahman ibn Muljim. Attacked with a poisoned dagger as he was bent in prayer, he was stabbed and martyred, dying soon thereafter.

This ends the caliphate of Imam Ali [AS] and together with the tragic and premature death of his wife the daughter of the Prophet [SAW], Fatimah some years earlier, not to mention the various hardships and difficulties and incidences of treason that he had encountered in his own life, it underlines at a very early point in the history of Shi’ah Islam the tragic fate to which the Imams were exposed. Martyrdom becomes a constant feature of the lives of the Imams, it in fact becomes a secondary defining characteristic. In some cases plain, open and undeniable in the case of Imam Ali [AS], again with his son Imam Husain [AS], in other cases less plain for example poisoned or otherwise killed in obscure circumstances. It might be imagined that the death of Imam Ali [AS] the first of the Imams after a relatively brief and extremely tumultuous period of rule would have put and end to the consolidation of Shi’ism as a distinct school of thought in Islam, in fact we see the opposite is the case. The posthumous appeal of Imam Ali [AS], his influence – spiritual, intellectual and even political constantly grows.

The problem that is encountered in drawing together veneration for Aisha one of the wives of the Prophet [SAW], and Imam Ali [AS] has been mentioned, despite the fact that they were clearly engaged in battle with each other. Mu’awiyah too, in conjunction with the lives of Hassan [AS] and Hussain [AS], a devious and tricky character has according to certain and traditionally predominant currents in Sunni thought, has somehow to be accommodated within a scheme of respect. Even though it is commonly acknowledged that with the period of rule of the Umayyads the period of exemplary rule – the period of the four righteous caliphs has come to an end. How is this then accomplished? How are attempts made to accomplish it? Firstky Mu’awiyah is designated as a companion – according to the loose definition of a companion, he does as such. He had come into contact with the Prophet [SAW] whilst and adult and he is at least outwardly a believer. In addition to that it is said of Mu’awiyah that he was one of the scribes of revelation. There is a group of individuals among the companions who are designated as scribes of revelation i.e. those who at various points during the company of the Prophet [SAW] took down from him in dictation portions of the Quran that were revealed to him. The evidence for Mu’awiyah being a scribe of revelation is extraordinarily weak, at the very most it can be said that he may have written one of the letters dictated to him by the Prophet [SAW], not to say that he was a scribe of the Quran that is to say that he wrote down any portion of the Quran. It might be said, that whatever the Prophet [SAW] said or dictated was revelation, but clearly a letter, a communication of a political type even related from the Prophet belongs to different order of affairs then the Quran itself. Thirdly with respect to Mu’awiyah this ubiquitous principle of Ijtihad is also invoked. That is to say that Imam Ali [AS] done what he thought was right, Mu’awiyah did what he thought was right – they both gave it their best effort and it is not therefore permissible for later generations according to this view of things to pass judgement on either party. This view of things has to be characterised as wilful self-blinding, the facts of these admittedly complex tragic events are really there in great detail. If judgement can be exercised with respect to other events in history there is no reason why judgement cannot be passed in this case also. Therefore this is too wide a gap to be bridged by any of the devices that one commonly finds invoked in Sunni tradition. A recent Muslim historian called Madelung who has an important book called, ‘The succession to Muhammad’ surveys in great detail the events concerned – it is not that he agrees or espouses the Shi’ah point of view in all of its details, for example most of the Quranic verses that are evoked by Shi’i Muslims in support of their distinctive doctrines – he says no – they can be interpreted in another way. It is interesting when he comes to examine the role of Mu’awiyah he regards him based on his own analysis of events which by no means coincides in every detail with the Shi’ah understanding he compares him with Stalin, he says that rarely in pre-modern history is an individual encountered so devious and ruthless as Mu’awiyah. It is only by insisting on the most tenuous and arbitrary criteria that this judgement can reasonably be resisted.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 6

Synopsis

-A look at the merits of Imam Ali [AS]
-A look at Nahj al-Balaghah
-The link between Imam Ali [AS] and Sufi chains
-A look at the practice of Ziyarah to the tombs of the Ma'sumin
-A brief look at the history of Imam Hassan [AS]
-A look at the arguments of legitimacy for rule of Imam Hassan [AS]
-A look at the abdication of Imam Hassan [AS]

Merits of Imam Ali [AS]

After the Prophet [SAW] himself there is no other figure in Islamic History who has exercised the same comprehensive and lasting influence as Imam Ali [AS]. This can in part be seen from the duality of titles that one may be applied to him with respect to Sunni and Shi'ah tradition respectively. From the Sunni point of view he is the fourth among the rightly guided caliphs, from the Shi’ah point of view he is the first of he 12 Imams [AS], that in itself indicates that he holds an honoured position in the totality of Islamic tradition despite varying interpretations. But one has to bear in mind that the majority of those titles are retrospective, it is not that in his lifetime or soon thereafter the concept took shape that there was a succession of four rightly guided Caliphs, and clearly the entire history of Shi’i Islam with respect to the succession of the Imams was yet to unfold. We therefore have to look beyond this duality of title and look at the various ways in which he left a legacy of knowledge and spirituality. To begin with given that the bulk of Sunni and Shi’ah forms are yet unformed in their totality - we can look at the general influence of Imam Ali [AS]. Imam Ali [AS] stood out among all the associates of the Prophet [SAW] this is generally recognised knowledge matter - for his detailed knowledge of the Quran the traditions of the Prophet [SAW] and the nascent discipline of Fiqh - Islamic Jurisprudence. This is not surprising, taking into account his closeness to the Prophet [SAW] from childhood onwards and also his extraordinary spiritual and intellectual gifts.

A very large number of hadiths - traditions of the Prophet [SAW] himself, are narrated by him and from him. With respect to Shi’ah tradition we find a large number of hadith from the Prophet [SAW] ultimately related by one or another from among the Imams [AS]. From the point of view of Shi’ah hadith narration, it is sufficient for one of the Imams [AS] to say my ancestor the Prophet [SAW] said such and such. It is not necessary from the point of view of Shi’ah hadith to have a complete chain of transmission from the Prophet [SAW] to the Imam [AS] to be cited that in itself is a guarantee (i.e. it is good enough that the Imam said that my ancestor the Prophet [SAW] said such and such). That silent, implicit chain of transmission passes in the first place through Imam Ali [AS] through his successors in the line of the Imams. But then we also find a hadith related from the Prophet [SAW] by means of Imam Ali [AS] in the Sunni books of tradition. There are in Sunni tradition 6 books of hadith of the Prophet [SAW], that are counted to be particularly reliable and valuable. In these, we find 586 traditions related from the Prophet [SAW] on the authority of Imam Ali [AS]. Many of them relate to the mode of worship of the Prophet [SAW] i.e. how he performed prayer.

The first person to perform the prayer with the Prophet [SAW] was Imam Ali [AS]. After the Archangel Gabriel, the medium of revelation, had instructed the Prophet [SAW] the manner whereby the prayer was to be performed - he performed it for the first time with Imam Ali [AS]. Also we have from the hadith related from Imam Ali [AS] from the Sunni books numerous traditions about the supplicatory prayers made by the Prophet [SAW]. Prayer i.e. the canonical prayer, the prayer that is obligatory five times a day - salah (in Persian - Namaz), the form of which is prescribed, then supplicatory prayer - Du’a, the form of which is not prescribed, it is not in itself obligatory, although it is meritorious and frequently practised. It is also known that Imam Ali [AS] in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] himself, compiled a collection of hadith (sayings of the Prophet [SAW]). It is often thought the written recording of the hadith, began after the life of the Prophet [SAW]. In fact, there are a number of indications that this was not the case, and among the early compilers of the Prophetic hadith in written form was Imam Ali [AS]. These early collections of hadith are known as Sahifah, meaning here a number of pages bound together, not a complete book in the familiar form.

Finally with respect to hadith we know that after the death of the Prophet [SAW], Imam Ali [AS] took care to discourage the circulation of dubious or spurious hadith, which evidently had already entered into circulation. During the exercise of rule of the first three caliphs, Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman, Imam Ali [AS] was primarily concerned with the cultivation of knowledge, he avoided an open challenge to the legitimacy of the caliphs. Among the subjects which he engaged in teaching were above all Islamic Law, the Ahkam (the precise ordinances of Islamic Law) - which had not yet crystallised as a separate discipline, the meanings of the Quran  with respect in particular to occasions on which various verses had been revealed, subject matter which is known in Arabic as Asbab al-nuzul (the occasions for the revelation of a verse). Why is it worth knowing the occasions on which certain verses of the Quran were revealed, because in some cases, this helps to clarify the meanings of the verses in question. It is not that the Quran is a book of history, a chronologically ordered account of the life of the Prophet [SAW] and the early Muslims. However there are certain verses of the Quran which address themselves to a particular situation that arose in the life of the Prophet [SAW] and the early Muslims, and to know that occasion helps sometimes in clarifying the scope and meaning of a particular verse.

Nahj al-Balaghah (The Peak of Eloquence)

More specifically with respect to Shi’ah Islam the main legacy of Imam Ali [AS] in written form is of course the Nahj al-Balaghah, roughly translated as the, 'Path of Eloquence’. This is not the title given to the book by Imam Ali [AS] himself, it is the name given to it by its compiler a scholar by the name of Sharif al-Radi who died in the year 359 AH, 969 AD. This is a book which contains in the most reliable edition, the text of 208 sermons, delivered by Imam Ali [AS], 79 letters that he addressed to various recipients and 418 brief or almost proverbial utterances, in some cases they did almost become proverbial like many other statements remarkable for their precision and their wisdom. They left the realm of personal attribution, and became proverbial i.e. proverbial to the Arabic Language. The particularly noteworthy are of course the sermons. In these sermons Imam Ali [AS] touches essentially on two areas concerned - first of course the political situation of the day both in the time of the first three caliphs and more particularly in his own contested exercise of rule. Most of the sermons that have a political context or reference do relate to the period of his caliphate. The quietism that he espoused during the caliphate of the first three caliphs is reflected in the relative paucity of political references in his sermons from that period. Particularly important among those sermons is however the third sermon in the usual ordering, in which during his exercise of the caliphate he reflects back upon the exercise of rule by his predecessors Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman, criticising them essentially for usurping the rule and in varying degrees misusing their office.

It is presence of this sermon in particular in the Nahj al-Balaghah that has caused doubt to be cast on the authenticity of the work as a whole by later polemicists. The occurrence of this sermon in the collection clearly disturbs - negates even the subsequent image built up of a kind of more or less harmonious uniform exercise of rule by the first four caliphs who together form the Khulafa Rashidin - the rightly guided caliphs. The other main topic that occurs in the sermons is of a more theological, philosophical or Gnostic nature, in other words disquisitions upon the unity of God, the understanding of the Divine Being and the duties of man with respect to the Divine reality. It should not be thought that these two topics are easily divided, either textually or conceptually. If you look at many of the sermons of Imam Ali [AS] in Nahj al-Balaghah you will see in fact that the two topics occur sometimes in the same sermon. And maybe by way of illustrating the close interlinking between these two foci of concern, we can refer to the incident during the battle of Siffin  - when Imam Ali [AS] was advancing to do battle with Mu’awiyah. Whilst advancing to do battle, Imam Ali [AS] was discoursing to his followers precisely on the subject of the Divine Unity (Tauhid). When one of his soldiers asked him is this the time to be talking on such matters, in other words when we are about to go into battle is it the time to be talking about the subtle, profound matters of theology. To this Imam Ali [AS] replied - this is precisely the time when we should indeed be engaging in such discussions,, it is precisely for the sake of tauhid that we are about to engage in battle.

We therefore see a close interconnection in his [AS]  mind and also contextually in the the Nahj al-Balaghah, the Nahj al-Balaghah is then a compilation. It is not a work that emerges from Imam Ali [AS] himself nor can it be taken to be a complete record of his sayings even of his significant sayings. But it is a work of very great importance, and one can say that after the Quran itself, it is customarily the second text of authority referred to by Shi’ah Muslims. Particularly important in the Nahj al-Balaghah apart from the historical matters referred to, is it’s virtual invention complete and ready made of a terminology of theological discussion. This has also been one of the matters raised by those who question the authenticity of Nahj al-Balaghah. That a highly detailed and sophisticated terminology for the discussion of theological matters exists in Nahj al-Balaghah - surely it is argued that this is a product of a later age, when the Islamic sciences had developed and attained a point of greater maturity. Frequently the authenticity of the Nahj al-Balaghah is questioned in polemics by Sunni Scholars, or more generally by Sunnis. First of all, the following should be taken into consideration, the Nahj al-Balaghah is really the culmination of the tradition within Shi’ah Islam, in other words it can not be said that out of a group Sharif al-Radi sat down and compiled the fanciful collection of sermons then attributed them to Imam Ali [AS]. If he did then he himself must have been a genius which is another question. But even apart from that we know that even as early as the second century of the Islamic era similar attempts had been made at compiling the sermons, the utterances of Imam Ali [AS]. Therefore it can be said that his work attained lasting fame insofar that it was the culmination of a tradition. Secondly is the simple fact that part of the contents of Nahj al-Balaghah - by no means all of it, is also to be found in other works. Works of an earlier period and in some cases works compiled by Sunni authors. For example the great history of Tabari, who also has compiled one of the earliest and detailed commentaries on the Quran - the history of Tabari contains some of the sermons we find in Nahj al-Balaghah. And again we find another early author al-Ja’id in his Kitab al-Bayan wa tafsir has some of the same material.

Then too, one has to bear in mind Sharif al-Radi the compiler of the Nahj al-Balaghah, lived in Baghdad, at a time when Baghdad was the centre of all Muslim Scholarship whether Sunni or Shi’ah. And there is no record of any of his contemporaries in Baghdad having accused him of forgery or unreliability in the compilation of the Nahj al-Balaghah. In fact we find that among the early commentators on the Nahj al-Balaghah were quite a number of Sunni Scholars. It is not until quite a lot later when sectarian polemics between Sunnis and Shi’ah’s had become more developed, that the authenticity of Nahj al-Balaghah became under question. One can say in elaboration of this point that at an earlier period - the time of Sharif al-Radi, it was possible to be a Sunni and have some nuance or understanding of the problems, the differences, the diversions, even the hostilities that marked the early history of Islam. Later when sectarian positions had crystallised, become clearer - then, the tendency towards a simplistic idealisation of early Islamic History arose, so it became necessary to obscure or even deny the obvious differences that did exist in the earliest Islamic period. The extreme example of this the desire is to whitewash Mu’awiyah and describe him as having engaged in some kind of exercise of personal judgement doing his best and maybe the result was questionable but he was as it were mujtahid.

As far as the language question is concerned, the style of the Nahj al-Balaghah it is an inimitable style, it is true that the terminology used in it with respect to the Divine Unity and Divine Attributes and so forth is to be found in the early unfolding of Islamic theology. However the cause/effect relationship, is the opposite of that which is sometimes maintained. In other words it is not that a text was compiled at a later date reflecting the usage of that later period but it is rather that the origin of this terminology is precisely to be assigned to Imam Ali [AS], and then entered and in fact formed the basis for much later theological and philosophical discussion. Regrettably there is no satisfactory translation of the whole book in English, it is a very challenging task, the Arabic in its concision, in its eloquence, and sometimes in the obscurity of its vocabulary especially with respect to contemporary usage, all of this taken together represents a challenge. Most of the translations have been done by people of Indo-Pakistani background, unfortunately they have not proven equal to it.

Sufism

Finally with respect to Imam Ali [AS], this being a brief overview of his posthumous influence, in the world of Sufism. Sufism is of course overwhelmingly a Sunni phenomenon. It is of course in it’s creedal and theological basis - Sunni. However it is of high significance that almost all of the chains of transmission that one finds in organised Sufism go back to Imam Ali [AS], there is but one significant exception, one order that traces its origin back to Abu Bakr - although it also covers its bets by having a second line of transmission going back to Imam Ali [AS]. Otherwise the totality of significant lines of Sufi transmission have as their first link Imam Ali [AS]. Now, the chain of transmission in Sufism means, taken literally, that a certain individual sits opposite another, and receives from him by way of spiritual transmission the essence of the Sufi line. This is still practised today in various Sufi orders. It is not to be imagined as a matter of historical reality that Imam Ali [AS] engaged in the transmission of what later crystallised as Sufism in the same way, that is to say, someone sat opposite him and received from Imam Ali [AS] an initiation in a certain spiritual line. The reality that one may presume to underlie this belief that Ali [AS] is the origin of a newly initiated line must be more general i.e. that the teachings and the inward essence, the spirituality of Imam Ali [AS] for that matter some of the subsequent Imams [AS] aswell can be seen to lie at the origins of what later crystallises as Sufism. Finally with respect to Imam Ali [AS] it should be pointed out, that his place of martyrdom and subsequent burial, became the first shrine of Shi’ah Islam. It is said that Imam Ali [AS], was buried initially in Kufa, in Iraq, at the place of his martyrdom - other versions have him buried either in Madinah or least probable of all at Mazar al-Sharif in northern Afghanistan (this claim came in the 14th century). Supposedly all of the pious scholars and men of the city of Bagh dreamt that in such and such a place you will find the tomb of Imam Ali [AS] - so the next morning they got up and told each other what they dreamt of and they were astonished that they all had the same dream, so they went together to the place indicated, started digging and then came to the surface of wooden box conveniently marked in Arabic, ‘this is the tomb of Ali ibn abi Talib [AS]’ then a big shrine was built there. However the reliable consensus is that Imam Ali [AS] is buried in Najaf near to his place of martyrdom.

Ziyarah of the Imams [AS]

Throughout the Umayyad period inaugurated by Mu’awiyah, it seems that the palce of his burial was kept unmarked, deliberately kept unmarked and secret -  because of the continuing hostility of the Umayyads to Imam Ali [AS] and his descendants. It was not until the third century, that the first shrine, the first gold architectural marker of the tomb, was constructed. And of course it has gone through a series of destructions and reconstructions since then. Najaf has acquired a series of importances in Shi’ah history. First of all as a place of pilgrimage, because of recourse to the English language we are forced to say pilgrimage however we make clear that what we are dealing with here and what we referring to here is something other than Hajj, which is obligatory for all Muslims. The word translated here by religionists is ziyarah. And the visiting of the tomb of Imam Ali [AS] occupies an important part in Shi’ah religiosity and spirituality. And there are of course many sayings from the Imam [AS], about the virtue and the merit of visiting his tomb and that of his successors. What is the purpose of this? Of course in the first place an expression of loyalty to the Imam [AS] and to his cause. Secondly, an understanding of the spiritual virtues that he taught. Because a pilgrimage in person is often not possible for reasons of distance, poverty, other obstacles such as war, the interruption of safe travel - the ziyarah can in fact be made from a distance. Which indicates the ziyarah is not in its essence the movement of a body from one location to another - it is on the contrary an exploration to moving spiritually in the presence of the Imam [AS]. In addition to being a focal point of ziyarah in this particular sense, Najaf has become firstly a place for the cultivation of knowledge, the centres of Shi’ah learning of the centuries have of course shifted from one location to another, depending on a variety of factors. But generally speaking Najaf has held a particular importance, centrality to the degree that it is referred to as the abode of knowledge ‘dar al-‘ilm’. Most important scholars of Shi’ah Islam particularly in recent times have either studied there or spent the entirety of their careers there. Finally with respect to Najaf you may say of it that it is an important place of burial, to be buried in the vicinity of Imam Ali [AS] is desirable particularly since tradition associates Najaf not only with him but also with earlier figures in sacred history even with Adam [AS] and with Noah [AS] they are said to have been buried there.

Brief History of the Life of Imam Hassan [AS]

Imam Hassan [AS] is the son of Imam Ali [AS]. In just the same way that Imam Ali [AS] from a Sunni point of view, from the perspective of Sunni history might be designated as the fourth of the rightly guided caliphs, so to we sometimes find Imam Hassan [AS] designated as the fifith of the rightly guided caliphs. This is relatively infrequent, because the area under the control of Imam Hassan [AS] was relatively limited and the duration of the exercise of his rule was also quite brief. More commonly of course Imam Ali [AS] is regarded as the last of the Khulafa Rashidin. However there is a kind of nod in the direction of the legitimacy of Imam Hassan [AS] by some Sunni historians - who designate him as being among the fifth of the Khulafa Rashidin. As for Imam Hassan [AS] we know that he was born of course through Imam Ali [AS] and his mother Bibi Fatimah [AS] on 15th Ramadhan in 3 AH. Imam Hassan [AS] was extraordinarily close, not only to his father but also to his grandfather the Prophet [SAW]. Here of course we have a number of sayings of well attested hadith. Which reflect the affection and the devotion of the Prophet [SAW] not only to Imam Hassan [AS] but also to his brother who has is the third of the Imams, Imam Husain [AS]. For example, the Prophet [SAW] is recorded to have said,

’Hassan and Hussain are my children, whoever loves them loves me, whoever hates them hates me.’ (this hadith is similar in wording, as already mentioned in respect of Bibi Fatimah [AS])

Also,

’They will be the chiefs of the youths of Paradise.’

With respect to these two grandchildren we know that the Prophet [SAW] was extraordinarily indulgent to them, allowing them to climb on his back, for example while he was prostrated in prayer. On one occasion when he saw Hassan [AS], fall down, he interrupted the sermon that he was delivering in order to help the child to his feet. But of course there is more to this matter than the simple love of a grandfather for his grandchildren. The designation of Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Husain [AS] as the children of the Prophet [SAW], not of course in a literal sense, implies clearly significance for their lineage that like their father they have a direct link to the Prophet [SAW] and are beloved of him and have also the same right to succeed him as did their father Imam Ali [AS]. With respect to Imam Hassan [AS] it is said that he also physically resembled the Prophet [SAW]. He was very close to him in his outward appearance.

When his father Imam Ali [AS] was killed at Kufa, Imam Hassan [AS] was there also - it should be pointed out that by now at least, the political history of Islam had moved largely outside the Arabian Peninsula. Madinah the city of the Prophet [SAW], the sight of the first political authority, in Islam, was left behind. And a contest was underway between Iraq and Syria, the centre of the feudal caliphate of the Umayyads and later successors was not in the Arabian Peninsula. Imam Hassan [AS] was at Kufa when his father was assassinated. After the martyrdom of Imam Ali [AS], Mu’awiyah now for the first time openly claimed the caliphate for himself. His nominee to the arbitration committee (in Sifin) Amr ibn As had proclaimed Mu’awiyah the caliph. When Abu Musa al-Ashari the individual who Imam Ali [AS] had reluctantly nominated with the same commission, had agreed to depose Imam Ali [AS] on the understanding that a new caliph would be chose by some kind of selection process. Mu’awiyah was an extremely cunning operator, and believed in moving step by step so he did not at this point himself move forward to claim the caliphate based upon the declaration made by Amr ibn As. This happened only after the assassination of Imam Ali [AS]. Earlier he had just disputed the legitimacy of Imam Ali’s [AS] caliphate and brought much of the territory of the Muslim realm under his control above all Syria. Now after the death of the Imam [AS] he claimed the caliphate for himself openly and categorically. Now there took place an unequal contest - unequal in terms of man power and political strength, between Mu’awiyah and Imam Hassan [AS].

In much the same way that Imam Ali [AS] had become caliph by acclamation after the assassination of Uthman. Imam Hassan [AS] now became caliph by acclamation in Kufa. Much the same way as in terms of outward procedure, not in the way of the inward element legitimacy that you find in the way of Imam Hassan [AS] as being the descendant of the Prophet [SAW] and the son of the Imam Ali [AS] [i.e. people acclaimed him not necessarily with the knowledge that he was the Imam [AS]]. It was said that 40,000 people acclaimed Imam Hassan [AS] as the caliph in Kufa. The figure of 40,000 has certain generic quality to it in Muslim histories, 40,000 seems to be a kind of conventional figure meaning a large number of people. It may be safer to go with the general concept, rather than the precise statistic of 40,000. In any event a fairly large number of people did gather around Imam Hassan [AS] and proclaimed him as caliph - as the legitimate ruler of the Islamic realm. Including a large number of people who had fought with Imam Ali [AS] at the battle of Siffin. As for Madinah - or Madinah and Makkah together which played something of a role earlier - there was no sign of opposition to Imam Hassan [AS] who seems to have been in the Hijaz - in the Arabian Peninsula universally popular. The problem for Imam Hassan [AS] however was not simply the limited territory he now controlled after his proclomation as ruler, but the mixed and unreliable nature of those who gathered around him as his supporters. It can be said that there are roughly three factions among the followers of Imam Hassan [AS] at this point. Firstly, the inhabitants of Iraq, who out of a kind of regional patriotism were opposed to Mu’awiyah who had established his power base in Syria. Secondly, those who were moved by religious considerations to support Imam Ali [AS] - not however in the precise sense of the Shi’ah belief of the exclusive legitimacy of Imam Ali [AS] and his descendants - simply that there was a respect for Imam Hassan [AS] as the grandson of the Prophet [SAW]. Then lastly, and this group was smaller in number, those who already had firm and clear belief in the exclusive legitimacy of the line descending from Imam Ali [AS].

On his ascension to rule Imam Hassan [AS] made a speech in Kufa and he praised the merits of his family, mentioned with emphasis the rights and the qualities of his father, emphasised his own direct relations with the Prophet [SAW], described his claims and very significantly sighted in support of them - verse (33:33), they ayah tathir which speaks of the purification of the household of the Prophet [SAW]. Interpreted by Shi’i  commentators on the Quran and a good number of Sunni commentators to indicate the sinlessness, the inerrancy of the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi fatimah [AS]. The citation of this verse at a relatively early point in the history of Shi’ism is a clear indication that the special status in purely religious aswell as genealogical terms of the household of the Prophet [SAW] was already in the forefront. This verse was regarded as a significant indication of the rights and acclaims of the household of the Prophet [SAW]. Supposedly now 40,000 troops now swore allegiance to Imam Hassan [AS], when he had completed the speech, on condition that he should rule in accordance with the Quran, and the Sunnah of the Prophet [SAW]. There was no mention made on this occasion, of the precedence of the first two caliphs. One of the pretexts advanced for the exclusion of Imam Ali [AS] to the caliphate after the death of Umar was his refusal to be bound by the precedence set by Abu Bakr and Umar. Now, Imam Hassan [AS] receives allegiance simply on these two conditions - that he should rule in accordance with the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet [SAW] himself.

Some of the troops sought to insert the following condition in their pledge of allegiance, that Imam Hassan [AS] should wage war against those who had declared the forbidden to be declared permissible i.e. against Mu’awiyah. Imam Hassan [AS] replied that this was implied in the first two conditions (i.e. to rule according to the Quran and Sunnah - which clearly indicated that war should be waged against those that declare the forbidden permissible). The fact that he did not accept it as a separate condition for the swearing of allegiance may however indicate that he was not anxious yet for an immediate clash with Mu’awiyah and his forces. If this particular demand had been made explicit and highlighted, then he might have felt compelled to embark on a war for which he was not yet prepared. And very probably he probably already sensed the fickleness of some of his supporters. Although they were pressing him for war many of them were already inclined to desert him. It seems that the beginning of Imam Hassan’s [AS] caliphate or exercise of rule in Kufa was at least tacitly approved in many regions of the Islamic world, in the Hijaz and elsewhere  - a development which was unforeseen by Mu’awiyah. Mu’awiyah, despite the general skill and cunning that he displayed in political matters, clearly assumed that the position of Imam Hassan [AS] would be weaker than his father’s even at the very outset. Once Imam Hassan [AS] established, at least the beginnings of rule in Kufa, Mu’awiyah began to send agents to agitate against Imam Hassan [AS], in the Yemen, in the Hijaz, in Iran which was now under Islamic rule and elsewhere.

The Legitimacy of Rule of Imam Hassan [AS]

Mu’awiyah gathered an army of 60,000 from Syria and advanced in the direction of Iraq, in order to confront Imam Hasan [AS] before he had a chance to consolidate his rule - or to advance his military preparations. It seems that the preference of Mu’awiyah - and now his cunning comes to the fore clearly - was that Imam Hassan [AS] should abdicate, that he should voluntarily relinquish his claim to rule, his exercise of rule, rather than Mu’awiyah defeating Imam Hassan [AS] in battle, or putting him to death. Were he to put him to death then he would have been guilty of killing a grandson of he Prophet [SAW]. His successor Yazid did precisely that through his killing of Imam Hussain [AS]. However at that point Umayyad rule was far better rooted and even so horrendous an act of killing the grandson of the Prophet [SAW] did not shake in the short term the position of the Umayyad pseudo-caliphs. Mu’awiyah therefore simply wanted to force Imam Hassan [AS] to abdicate.

A correspondence now took place between Imam Hassan [AS] and Mu’awiyah the contents of which are extremely interesting. Imam Hassan [AS] based his claim to rule in this correspondence on his direct relationship (as described previously) to the Prophet [SAW], and also of being the son of Imam Ali [AS]. Imam Hassan [AS] wrote to Mu’awiyah:-

’We were shocked to see that some people snatched away our right from us even though they were men of excellence, virtue and merits and were the forerunners in Islam (On the one hand Imam Hassan [AS] is clearly reflecting the undoubted position of his father Imam Ali [AS], that the right of the Ahl al-Bait [AS], the household of the Prophet [SAW] to exercise rule had been snatched away, on the other hand he says, ’ even though they were men of excellence virtue and merits and were the forerunners in Islam.( clearly a reference to the first three caliphs, they were men of excellence and embraced Islam early but that did not prevent them from usurping the rights of the Ahl al-Bait [AS]). Now what a great astonishment and shock it is to see that you Mu’awiyah are attempting to accede to a thing that you do not deserve (unlike the first three caliphs who had some excellence and virtue, and had early on embraced Islam, Mu’awiyah has no such claim) you do not possess any known merit in religion, nor do you have any record in Islam that has even been praised on the contrary you are the son of the leader of the opposition party (Abu Sufian who for a long time opposed Islam, and made an opportunistic conversion after the conquest of Makkah) you are the son of the greatest enemy of the Prophet [SAW] from among the Quraish. So give up your position in falsehood enter into my homage as other people have done for you are certainly aware of the fact that I am far more entitled to the caliphate than you in the eyes of God and all worthy people. Fear God, restrain yourself from rebellion and from shedding the blood of the Muslims, for by God there will be no good for you if you meet your Lord with responsibility for the blood of the Muslims.’

This is a clear legitimist argument that is being put forward by Imam Hassan [AS] with the main emphasis upon the virtues and claims of the household of the Prophet [SAW], regarding the uprising of Mu’awiyah as a continuation of the diversion of rule that was inaugurated by the first three caliphs. The response of Mu’awiyah is also of great historical interest, he said among other things the following:-

’Whatever you have said about the excellent merits of the Prophet [SAW] he was indeed the most excellent among all men. You have mentioned the death of the Prophet [SAW] and the dispute that took place among the Muslims at that time, in this you are making accusations against Abu Bakr, Umar and Others - against virtuous men from the migrants and the helpers. I hate this accusation against the people whose actions according to us are beyond doubt and reproach.’

Already we see at this point that Mu’awiyah is attempting to associate himself with the companions of the Prophet [SAW] with Abu Bakr, Umar and others. And he is suggesting that any accusation or criticism of such persons is unacceptable. In the same way that we see in the speeches of Imam Hassan [AS] and before him Imam Ali [AS] the essential elements of Shi’ah doctrine with respect to the Imamate - likewise one can see here the beginnings of what gradually emerges as the Sunni position. According to Sunni tradition or belief as it later came into being, all the companions are if not infallible as the Imams [AS] are, still they are all of them beyond criticism that if they made errors then it is not up to us to judge those errors whatever they did they did in good faith. Here already one sees this later doctrinal development foreshadowed in the mouth of Mu’awiyah when he says that no accusation can be made against Abu Bakr, Umar and others from among the companions. Then in a patronising fashion he goes on to say:-

’When this community had some disagreements after the Prophet [SAW] concerning the leadership it was not ignorance of your families merits, your priority, your close relationship with the Prophet [SAW], the community was also not unaware of your exalted place, or your qualifications in it, but the community saw that this thing (i.e. the caliphate) would be better placed among the Quraish in general and they therefore selected Abu Bakr. This is what the people thought best in the interests of the community, you are asking me to settle the matter peacefully and surrender but the situation concerning you and me today is like the one between you (Imam Ali [AS]) and Abu Bakr after the death of the Prophet [SAW]. Had I believed that you had a better grasp over the subject people better than I do, you could protect the community better than I, that you were stronger in safeguarding the properties of the Muslims, outwitting the enemy than I - then I would have done what you asked me to do. But I have had a longer period of reign and am more experienced, better in policies and older in age than you. It therefore would be better for you not to insist. If you enter into obedience to me now you will accede to the caliphate after me.’

Again here Mu’awiyah is attempting to place himself in the same position as Abu Bakr after the death of the Prophet [SAW]. From the point of view of Shi’ah Islam both are usurpers - both Abu Bakr and Mu’awiyah. However, the situations are clearly different in that here Mu’awiyah is disregarding a number of significant differences between the two situations. However, what is truly significant is that here there is implicitly being set forward an entirely different criteria for rule. Not the legitimist argument of Imam Hassan [AS], but rather a pragmatic claim to be better able to fulfil the immediate tasks of rule. Notice how Mu’awiyah says, ‘I have a longer period of reign,’ That is to say Imam Hassan [AS] has just acceded to rule after the martyrdom of his father, Mu’awiyah has for a number of years been the governor of Syria. He also says that he is better experienced in politics, no doubt Mu’awiyah was more experienced in a certain type of politics in trickery and a number of other political skills, and he was older in age. These are the criteria advanced by Mu’awiyah in support of his claim. One can say that here to there is the beginnings of a significant difference in political theory. That which is important for the exercise of rule, is not piety, is not religiosity, but simple personal power and proven administrative ability, and military capacity - this is what Mu’awiyah claims. In other words a clear separation between religious and political principle. It can be said almost that Mu’awiyah amongst other things is the first secularist in Islam. The criteria that he puts forward for legitimate rule are not of a religious nature but simply of a pragmatic, administrative nature.

The Shi’ah position is not only legitimist in the sense of claiming legitimacy on the basis of designation by the Prophet [SAW] and then through Imam Ali [AS] it is also one that insists upon the inseparability of the religious and political. It is not acceptable for the bifurcation of authority into religious and political. One can say from a broad point of view, what is underway from now on is not simply what you might call a growing division between Sunni and Shi’ah positions which are more and more clearly differentiated from each other, more and more clearly consolidated with the passage of time - it is fundamentally a struggle over the whole orientation of the Muslims community with of course particular concentration on the ruling institution. As for the outcome of this militarily and politically unequal contest between Mu’awiyah and Imam Hassan [AS] the chronology is a little unclear. There was a prolonged correspondence between Mu’awiyah and Imam Hassan [AS]. And the chronology of the events that did eventuate in the abdication of Imam Hassan [AS] is somewhat unclear.

The Abdication of Imam Hassan [AS]

Some of the historians that were sympathetic to the Umayyads present Imam Hassan [AS] as having been inclined to abdicate from the very beginning but hindered from doing so by the hostility of some in his army who wished militarily to confront the Umayyads. It is also claimed that he was insistent on having a financial compensation for abdicating the caliphate. Precisely this detail casts doubt on the narrative as a whole - since it was the custom of Imam Hassan [AS], following upon the example of his father Imam Ali [AS] to empty the state treasury at the end of each week, he did not believe in building up a surplus, on the contrary in order to discourage any tendencies to opulence the treasury was deliberately emptied at the end of each week. Some of these accounts in the Umayyad period even claim that there were 5 million dinars in the treasury at Kufa which Imam Hassan [AS] insisted on keeping for himself, a totally unrealistic figure in view of what has been said. What appears to have happened is that Imam Hassan [AS] at a certain point recognised both the unreliability of his forces and there small number. And therefore he decided to abdicate on certain conditions, he sent a letter with these conditions to Mu’awiyah - Mu’awiyah at the same time sent a blank piece of paper to Imam Hassan [AS] in other words he was willing to accept whatever conditions Imam Hassan wanted to put forward.

Whether this actually happened is somewhat uncertain - it was not until a number of military manoeuvres with inconclusive outcomes that the abdication took place. Some of the followers of Imam Ali [AS] in fact rebelled against him others deserted and went over to the enemy, they were bribed or otherwise induced to defect to the enemy camp. It seems that the unreliability of his following was the decisive factor. He gave a speech to his followers, to those who proclaimed themselves as followers addressing the people of Iraq:-

’O people of Iraq, what shall I do with your people who are with me. Here is the letter of Qais ibn Sa’d - informing me that even the nobles from among you have gone over to Mu’awiyah. By God what shocking and abominable behaviour on your part. You are the same people who forced my father to accept arbitration at Siffin (Imam Ali [AS] was compelled by some of his own followers to accept arbitration with Mu’awiyah at the battle of Siffin) when the arbitration to which you yielded took place you turned against him. When he called upon you to fight Mu’awiyah then you showed your slackness and laziness - after the death of my father you yourselves came to me and paid me homage out of your desire and wish. I accepted your homage and came out against this Mu’awiyah. Now you are behaving in the same manner as before with my father. (Imam Hassan [AS] is now faced with a repetition of the behaviour of the Iraqis supporters of his father).’

Then a large number of even his more faithful supporters deserted him and now there remained no other possibility accept abdication. As for the terms of the abdication, there are varying narratives. Some claim that Imam Hassan [AS] was to receive financial compensation, secondly and more significantly an amnesty for the followers of Imam Ali [AS] - it was not enough from the point of view of Mu’awiyah that Imam Ali [AS] had been assassinated and now he was on the verge of taking the caliphate from Imam Hassan [AS] - he also had a policy for the seeking out and killing the followers of Imam Ali [AS] who had survived him. One of the terms of the abdication was that an amnesty should be proclaimed for the followers of Imam Ali [AS]. Then that the ritual cursing of Imam Ali [AS] that had taken place the beginning of Mu’awiyah’s rule to be bought to an end. This is an important detail, the ritual cursing of Imam Ali [AS] had been introduced by Mu’awiyah in Damascus and was then spread elsewhere in the Umayyad lands - what you may regard as an inappropriate compensation - Shi’ah Muslims after the rise of the Safawid dynasty in Iran in the 15th century introduced the cursing of some of the enemies of the Ahl al-Bait [AS] into there rituals, it became kind of an appendage to the call to prayer for quite a long period. But the habit, of the unpleasant tradition of ritual cursing as a quasi liturgical practise must be assigned to Mu’awiyah and his cursing of Imam Ali [AS].

More significantly among all the conditions were that Mu’awiyah was not to nominate his own successor and if he were to predecease Imam Hassan [AS] then Imam Hassan [AS] would regain the caliphate. Both of these conditions were important in that they implied not a permanent forfeiture of the ruling institution to Mu’awiyah and his descendants. Mu’awiyah broke the first condition by nominating yazid as his successor - it was during the caliphate of yazid that Imam Husain [AS] the other grandson of the Ptophet [SAW] was martyred. As for the other condition that if Mu’awiyah were to predecease Imam Hassan [AS], the caliphate should be returned to him this condition was not operative because Imam Hassan [AS] died in the year 49 AH, 669 AD at the age of 46 years. After his abdication from the caliphate - he left Kufa and settled in Madinah and it was there that he died most probably poisoned by one of his wives, at the instigation of Mu’awiyah. Immediately after the death of Imam Hassan [AS], Mu’awiyah in contravention of the agreement, nominated his own son Yazid as his successor. The relatively brief Imamate of Imam Hassan [AS] is significant, although as it seems he lost the caliphate - because of the restricted and unreliable nature of his following he clearly remained the Imam, not simply in the abstract sense but in the sense of having a clearly defined body of followers. Many of his followers whose motivation was not necessarily based on religious understanding fell away from him, after and before his abdication. Some remained loyal to him. The Imamate of Imam Hassan [AS] not simply in an inward sense of legitimacy an outward sense of having a body of followers continued after his abdication from the caliphate. What does this mean - It means that here Islam is now in the process of becoming a distinct community within the overall body of Muslims. The claim to legitimate rule over the entire Muslims community actually continues - although it never again becomes close to realisation - with the partial exception of Imam Rida [AS]. But the Imamate continued in the sense of a large number of persons following the Imam [AS] - Imam Hassan [AS] and his successors as their focus of religious loyalty and devotion. So that not only in the doctrinal sense but also in the organisational visible sense - one may say that Imam Hassan [AS] bought the Shi’ah movement forward to a greater degree of clarity on the external plain.

LECTURE 7

The next lecture was not available in MP3 format but a summary of the lecture can be found on the link below:-

click here

Edited by NormaL_UseR, 17 February 2008 - 04:10 PM.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 8

Synopsis

-A Look at various rituals for the remembrance of Imam Husain [AS] - Ziyarah, Ta'ziyah, elegaic poetry.
-A look at the appearence of the movement of the Tawwabun (Penitents) after the death of Imam Husain [AS]
-A look at the movement of Mukhtar Thaqafi
-A look at the activities of the Fourth Imam - Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]
-A look at the movement of Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]

Rituals of Remembrance of Imam Husain [AS]

In the year 61 AH, 680 AD the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS], grandson of the Prophet [SAW] and the third among the Imams [AS], took place. It was plain from the narrative elements that this was an extremely tragic event. In part it is the extremity of the atrocious death to which Imam Husain [AS], his companions and relatives were subjected that has anchored Karbala and the memory of Imam Husain [AS] in the Shi’i consciousness. Of course from one point of view it might be said that all of the Imams insofar as they had the quality of Imam are equal and no distinction is to be made among them, in the same way that the Quran tells us that an article of Islamic belief is not to make distinction among any of the messengers – to accept all of them with respect to their quality of Prophethood – not to affirm for one and deny for the other. So analogously there is a similar equality among the Imams however there is no denying that in the historical and religious consciousness of Shi’i Muslims Imam Husain [AS] occupies an extremely high place second only possibly to that of his father Imam Ali [AS]. There are of course historical reasons for this – not simply the narrative details. Firstly it may be pointed out that Imam Ali [AS] had been martyred while in prayer, but the group to which his assassin belonged was a relatively marginal one, the Kharijites. Imam Hassan [AS] had abdicated and although it would be reasonable to presume that he was martyred – this martyrdom did not take place on the open field of battle. Imam Husain’s [AS] case is different in that he was martyred clearly and obviously on the field of battle and the agent of his martyrdom was the nascent Umayyad caliphate which had usurped the caliphate but nonetheless had gained at least passive acquiescence of the majority of the Muslim community. One can say that this point of view among many others – Karbala was a turning point. The devotees of the Imam [AS] without becoming separated from the main Muslim community began to acquire a distinctive identity within the Muslim community as those who rejected the legitimacy of the existing caliphate and continued to pledge their loyalty to the Imams from the lineage of the Prophet [SAW].

Ziyarah

It has been said that Shi’ism was born on the plain of Karbala, this is however is a gross over simplification. It has been demonstrated that at least the essential elements of Shi’ism were present very much earlier – it could be argued even in the time of the Prophet [SAW] given the particular relationship of closeness that existed between Imam Ali [AS] and the Prophet [SAW] and the indications given of his Imamate by the Prophet [SAW], the fact that number of men gathered around him (Imam Ali [AS]) even during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW]. Apart from the clear indications of essential doctrines given by Imam Ali [AS], and later by Imam Hassan [AS] and later by Imam Husain [AS]. One of the effects of Karbala however was to make a line of distinction clearer, the Shi’ah now become a group within the community bound together by loyalty to the lineage of the Imams. The remembrance of Imam Husain [AS] has of course held an extremely important part in Shi’ah religiosity, the beginnings of this commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] take place very soon after his martyrdom. The survivors of the massacre were taken to Damascus and then sent out from there to Madinah are known to have engaged in rituals of mourning and commemoration. Likewise at the very site of Karbala not before too long men would gather in order to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS]. Before long a whole series of distinctive rituals for the commemoration of Imam Husain [AS] came into being. These can be reviewed under the following headings –firstly, ziyarah – which literally means visiting but in this particular context – pilgrimage. Ziyarah although translated to pilgrimage, is not necessarily a journey from one place to another it is in its essence an orientation of the one undertaking the Ziyarah to the personage to whom he pledges his loyalty. It can therefore is a sense be undertaken from a distance. With respect to the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] and the ziyarah in Karbala there are a large number of traditions emphasising its particular virtures. One even attributes some foreknowledge of his martyrdom and of the merit of making pilgrimage to his place of martyrdom to the Prophet [SAW] himself. It is said that Imam Husain [AS] said to the Prophet [SAW],

‘O father (Imam Husain [AS] addresses the Prophet [SAW] as father although of course he was from a more literal point of view his grandfather) what shall be the reward of those who visit our graves?’

To this the Prophet [SAW] is said to have replied:-

‘Men and women from my community will make the pilgrimage to your grave, it will then be incumbent upon me to seek them out on the day of resurrection and to save them from the fear of that day, as a consequence of their transgressions, and Allah [SWT] will cause them to dwell in paradise.’

In this hadith and in many more similar to it one consequence of ziyarah to Karbala is held out as the intercession of the Prophet [SAW] in the hereafter and deliverance from fear and deliverance from punishment from sin and the reward of paradise. Most of the hadith relating to the merits and the reward for ziyarah come from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] the sixth of the Imams. This is in itself not surprising in that we have by far a larger number of hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] on virtually any topic than from any other of the Imams [AS] – but still given the circumstances of the age in which Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] exercised his Imamate, this may be some particular significance to his very numerous hadith emphasising the merit of making pilgrimage, especially to Karbala and to Imam Husain [AS]. This was a period in which the appeal of Shi’ism despite continuous oppression by the Umayyads was on the rise and it is known that for example, that in order to discourage those that who in small clandestine groups made their way to Karbala – the Umayyads would post garrisons along the main roads leading in that direction so that the act of ziyarah was one that was fraught with danger. And precisely in order to emphasise the virtue of performing the ziyarah under these dangerous circumstances Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] put forward a large number of hadith emphasising the importance of the ziyarah.

The ziyarah is not necessarily even not in its essence a journey undertaken from one place to another and it seems that at least from the time of the 5th Imam [AS], Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] the recommendation was made that those unable for whatever reason to undertake the journey to Karbala should do it by intention. In other words from a distance, and sometimes here the precise details are given, the individual wishing to perform ziyarah should go onto the roof of his dwelling – orient himself towards Karbala, and engage in an intentional ziyarah. The essence of the ziyarah whether performed in the immediate proximity of the shrine of Imam Husain [AS] in Karbala or from a distance is the recitation of a particular text, and in fact so close is the relationship between the text that is to be recited and the visitation of pilgrimage itself – that both are designated by the same word ziyarah. Ziyarah is then both the act of pilgrimage whether from far or near, and it is also the text that is recited. There are a large number of texts that are recited for each of the Imams [AS] at whatever place of pilgrimage they may be recited. Some of them stem from the Imams [AS] themselves others are of unknown authorship. But central to all of these is the invocation of the particular virtues and attributes of the person from among the Imams [AS] in this instance Imam Husain [AS] who is buried at a particular location and a pledge of loyalty to the Imam in question. One can say that the ziyarah has from a political point of view two essential aspects on the one hand an act of defiance against those who are the heirs to the usurping Umayyads, those who are the enemies of the household of the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS]. One the other hand a continued pledge of loyalty to the Imams [AS] made explicit by a recitation of their qualities and their attributes and a declaration of devotion to them. These two aspects can be summarised tawwalah – comes from the root walaya it means in effect a declaration of loyalty to, and tabarra is the negative counterpart that is foreswearing of loyalty to the enemies of the Ahl al-Bait [AS]. Typically these two key elements come towards the very beginning of a ziyarah that is to say the text recited in the course of a ziyarah. By way of example the following sentences can be read for the ziyarah for the visiting of Imam Husain [AS]:-

‘O God curse him who usurped the rights of Muhammad and the family of Muhammad and his supporters from the first to the last of them. O God curse the group that gathered together for the killing of Husain and pledged allegiance to his enemies to kill him and companions, O God curse them all.’

This is an expression of tabarra, not simply dissociating from the enemies of Ahl al-bait [AS] but invoking God’s curse upon them. If the occurrence of a curse in a devotional text might appear to some of you from a contemporary point of view inappropriate the following should be remembered, firstly that a curse implies not an egregious insult but a wish, or prayer to God that he remove from the proximity of His Mercy and favour those who have offended against Him, against His Messengers, against the followers of His Messengers. This is the essence of cursing and to curse therefore is simply a prayer to Allah [SWT], or really an imprecation – a prayer or supplication to God for harm to come to the object of the imprecation. One might think of curse in this context as an imprecation.

After this expression of tabarra in the ziyarah the pilgrim then goes on by saying:-

‘Peace be upon you O Abu ‘Abd Allah (one of the designations of Imam Husain [AS]) Peace be upon you and the spirits of those who dwell in your spacious house, from me to you is the salutation of God’s peace for as long as I live and day and night follow one another. May God not make this my last Ziyarah to you, peace be upon Husain [AS] and upon Ali [AS] son of Husain [AS] and upon the companions of Husain [AS], and God’s peace, prayers and blessings.’

First there is disassociation from the enemies of Ahl al-Bait [AS], a cursing of them, and then the complementary and more importantly the invocation of peace upon Imam Husain [AS] and the rest of the Ahl al-Bait [AS] and an affirmation of loyalty to them. What is the sense of loyalty, particularly with respect to Imam Husain [AS]? The desire for the vengeance of his death. The most immediate consequence of the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] on the political plain was precisely the emergence of a group which sought to avenge his death by hunting down and removing his killers and those associated with them. But even after that event which is relatively brief and without successful outcome the theme of vengeance remains. It is part of the devotional attitude towards Imam Husain [AS] by extension the Ahl al-Bait [AS] as a whole, that one who desires vengeance for Imam Husain [AS]. What sense does this have? After all the original killers have departed from this world – they and their immediate descendants. Here one comes to what might be called the meta-historical significance of Imam Husain’s [AS] martyrdom. It has been suggested that from the point of view of Shi’ah religiosity what was underway in Karbala was not simply a conflict between two persons or groups but rather between two principles, between the principle of justice and injustice – legitimacy and usurpation. Therefore once the one who undertakes ziyarah calls for the vengeance of Imam Husain [AS] he no longer has in mind the Umayyads, who have after all long since been disposed of on the capacious garbage heap of history, rather what is in mind is the ultimate triumph of that principle for which Imam Husain [AS] suffered martyrdom i.e. the cause of justice and of legitimacy – this ties in as shall be seen with the question of the 12th Imam [AS], Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] – one of the functions for his coming shall be in this particular sense to take vengeance for Imam Husain [AS]. But in the relatively short run this desire for avenging Imam Husain [AS] has some very clear political consequences if there is tabarra and tawalla this necessary spills over from the devotional onto the political plane in that those who behave like the Umayyads are seen to be essentially identical with them. And those who rise up against the tyrannical regimes similar to the Umayyads are self-identified with Imam Husain [AS]. On some occasions especially in recent years this has become entirely explicit. In the 19th century history of Iran, we see comparisons being made between the ruling dynasty the Qajar dynasty and the Umayyads. A number of religious leaders of that time invoked this theme very clearly, most explicitly and most affectively this happened in the course of the revolution in Iran of 1978-1979. When the Pahlavis were seen as the heirs to the Umayyads not of course in the genealogical sense, or institutional sense but they incorporated the same principles of usurpation and tyranny as did the Umayyads. At the same time the Islamic movement under the leadership of Imam Khomeini was as it were a manifestation or continuation or even of rebirth of that movement of Imam Husain [AS] that lead to his martyrdom. Most of the significant events of the Islamic revolution took place in the Month of Muharram – which coincided with December 1978, which was the month which broke the Shah’s regime. There were other factors, but this ongoing political significance of Muharram and the commemoration of Muharram has also played an extremely important role. Earlier in the Pahlavi period it seems that the monarchs were aware of the political danger for them of Muharram, of the commemoration of Karbala, and they sought to ban all celebrations of it, even private celebrations.

This phenomenon is not entirely restricted to Iran, the association of contemporary political enemies and oppressors with Yazid and the Umayyads and self-identification with Imam Husain [AS]. In the case of Lebanon also one sees a similar phenomenon taking place in that during the years of the Zionits occupation of south Lebanon – the commemoration of Muharram would definitely include clear references to the Zionists who in there own fashion were identified as heirs to the Umayyads. The struggle against the Zionist occupation also was experienced as a practical contemporary form of the commemoration of Imam Husain [AS] and his martyrdom. Ziyarah is a matter of great importance emphasised from the earliest times but particularly from the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] onwards. Another indication of the contemporary significance, or interpretations of applications made of the understanding of Karbala. During the Iran-Iraq war one of the slogans that was current at the time was that, ‘The path to Jerusalem (under Zionist occupation) lies through Karbala.’ One reason that the war of defence against Iraq was being fought was to open up the road for a decisive confrontation with Zionism. But beyond that obvious geographical factor, implicit in this was also the concept that through a contemporary manifestation on the political and military plain of Imam Husain’s [AS] martyrdom at Karbala, by that means and that means only might the liberation of Jerusalem and Palestine from Zionism be aspired to.  

So frequent is the emphasis placed on the value and the merit of ziyarah that sometimes the impression arises outside Shi’ism amongst Sunni Muslims – that ziyarah is either intended as or has become a substitute for the Hajj itself. There are traditions that say that ziyarah to Karbala for example has the merit of the performance of a Hajj or even multiple performances of a Hajj. This however is a different matter to lay emphasis even on what appears to be hyperbolic terms on the merit of the ziyarah, does not make it an equivalent of the Hajj. In other words it does not substitute ziyarah for Hajj as a religious duty. Hajj remains a duty, a fundamental religious obligation irrespective of the number of times one performs the ziyarah. If you take some of these hadith at face value and say, I have now performed the ziyrah to Karbala 10 times and according to the hadith this has the merit of Hajj or even several Hajj’s. This does not relieve one of performing Hajj. These are two different things i.e. merit and legal obligation.

Elegaic Poetry and Ta'ziyah

Apart from ziyarah which is no doubt the foremost mode of commemoration, there are other fashions in which the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] has been commemorated for example elegiac poetry in all of the languages of Islam especially Arabic and Persian on the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS]. Poetry that was written from the earliest times continuing to the present day. A lot of poetry was written by Sunni authors – while laying emphasis on the obvious that Karbala is a crucial event for the evolution and subsequent practise of Shi’ism – it should not be imagined that in the long run Sunni Islam remained indifferent to what had taken place at Karbala or extended support and sympathy to the Umayyads. In the short run it is true as has been said with some emphasis that there was no widespread revulsion to the murder of Imam Husain [AS] and his companions, in the long run however one can say that condemnation of Yazid and the commemoration of Imam Husain [AS] did become a salient element in much of Sunni spirituality also. This is easy to overlook because there is not much left of traditional Sunni spirituality, what passes for Sunni Islam these days is mostly a modified form of Wahhabism. Part of the devotional culture of all Muslims Sunni and Shi’ah has been in the past the commemoration of Imam Husain [AS], there are relics of  this that we see today in turkey on the 10th Muharram it is common for the pious in Turkey to fast, this is a complex matter. The 12th day of Muharram even before the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] was associated with all of the key events in sacred history – with the descent of Adam to the earth, Noah disembarking from the Ark, Ibrahim being delivered from the fire and so forth. And also before the month long fast of Ramadhan was mandated, the early Muslims used to fast on the 10th Muharram, the day of Ashura. After the institution of Ramadhan, the fast on Ashura became a voluntary although meritorious matter. Virtually all of the preceding associations of Ashura were completely obscured by the tragedy of Karbala. So that today those few people who observe a voluntary fast on the 10th Muharram in the Sunni world, do so not because of the original significance but because they are in their own way mourning the death of Imam Husain [AS] on that day by fasting. There is a lot of poety in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Urdu written both by Sunnis and by Shi’ahs.

More distinctively Shiah among the modes of commemoration is the practise – a kind of quasi-theatrical practise of Ta’ziyah (primarily but not exclusively in Iran). The word Ta’ziyah has its original significance quite simply as mourning. But the Ta’ziyah has evolved in Iran into being a dramatic performance in which the events of Karbala often of course embroidered with fictitious and non-historical details takes place. All of the principal personages – Imam Husain [AS], his followers, Shimr, Yazid, all of them are played by actors. The origins of this seem to be relatively recent, the earliest recorded literary record dates back to the 18th century i.e. taziyah as a dramatic form of performance does not appear to date earlier than the 18th century. Probably the way that it evolved was that originally storytellers would stand in front of cloths on which were depicted the events of Karbala – i.e. Imam Husain [AS] on horseback, the beheading taking place, all of these events were depicted and to some degree still are depicted in more remote areas of Iran on – in a rather crude fashion on cloths that formed the backdrop for an oral recitation by a storyteller of the events. It seems that that was the transitional stage in the direction of the fully fledged dramatic performance of the Ta’ziyah. Not surprisingly because the Ta’ziyah was never a simple form of dramatic performance in which the audience maintained an emotional distance from what was being portrayed deep emotions would be aroused and to play the role of Shimr was a very dangerous undertaking. The persons playing the Umayyad army would often place themselves in jeopardy by playing these distasteful roles. Ta’ziyah although intrinsically very interesting as one of the few examples of indigenous theatre in the Muslim world, it should not be exaggerated, far more important as a mode of commemoration of Imam Husain [AS] is the ziyarah with all of it’s various forms put forward.

The Movement of the Tawwabun (Penitents)

Imam Husain’s [AS] death inaugurates really a second period in the historical evolution of Shi’ism in the following sense. Firstly that the principle of Shi’ism that is to say a Divinely sanctioned leadership vested in the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] was now firmly established as a doctrine held by one segment of the Muslim community. And as yet also there were no significant disagreements about the identity of the Imam, that is to say who among the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] should be Imam. However this second period was characterised by uncertainty as to the correct path of political action. In other words among the three models of the Imams, which was that which was now relevant? Was it the model of Imam Ali [AS] who had remained patiently on the sidelines although under protest during the caliphate of the first three caliphs was it rather the model of Imam Hassan [AS] who for reasons that have been examined abdicated the caliphate to Mu’awiyah. Or was it the path of Imam Husain [AS] who had risen up against Yazid and suffered martyrdom. There was uncertainty on this point and in fact there remained uncertainty and division for several generations. Part of what happens now during the period of the 4th, 5th and even 6th Imams [AS] is a gradual resolution of this question. Of the question of whether to remain politically quiescent or to rise up in rebellion against the illegitimate power. The essence of the Imamate was not the exercise of political rule although it most definitely includes that. However given the circumstances of the age, given the tyranny and mischief of the Umayyads there was a high degree of impatience among many of the followers of the Imams [AS] which impelled in the direction of immediate insurrectionary activity. The first example of this tendency comes in the year of Imam Husain’s martyrdom the year 61 AH, 618 AD. A group of the Shi’ah of Kufa came together with the intention of avenging the death of Imam Husain [AS] and in the process purifying themselves of the guilt that they felt for failing to support him and to defeat the umayyads. This movement is known as the movement of the ‘Tawwabun’ the ‘penitents’. Tawwab the singular – is an intensive form in Arabic in other words those who repent with great seriousness and earnestness. It is very probable that they took their designation because this is a designation that they chose themselves not one that the historians have awarded to them. It is probable that they chose this designation from Quran (2:122) which says that:-

‘Certainly Allah loves the penitent and he loves those who purify themelves.’ Quran (2:122)

The juxtaposition of these two attributes in the Quran the penitent and those who purify themselves suggest that those who egaged in true penitence purified themselves of there various guilt, of their various sin. And the guilt and sin of which these tawwabun wished to purify themselves was the guilt of having failed to stand by Imam Husain [AS], and for that matter Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Ali [AS] before him. They were about 100 people in number to begin with and they met in the house in Kufa of Sulayman Khuza’i. They agreed that he should act as their leader. The title that they gave him was ‘Sheikh Shi’ah’ the ‘elder of the Shi’ah’. What is the significance of this? it is one indication among others that now the Shi’ah were taking shape as an organised group within the Muslims community. Shi’ah originally was only the first half of the expression, Shi’ah ‘ali the followers of Imam Ali [AS], the adherents, the partisans of Ali. Now however it occurs in isolation without the specific mention of Imam Ali [AS]. Sheikh Shi’ah – is the head of a group that identifies themselves quite simply as the ‘Shi’ah’ – the partisans, of course originally of Imam Ali [AS] but also of his successors. What is worth noting is that the tawwabun seem to have had some contact with the sole surviving son of Imam Husain [AS] who now becomes the fourth Imamm – Imam Ali Zain al-’Abidin [AS], but he does not authrorise their movement of uprising while not condemning it either. He has chosen the path of quietude and withdrawal from political and social affairs. On the other hand he does not dissuade them and one must reach the conclusion that the movement of the tawwabun although having before it the possibility of the overthrow of the Umayyads was in essence a collective act of purification from sin – the sin of having abandoned Imam Husain [AS] to his fate. There is a speech that was a speech that was given by Sulayman Khuza’i indicating fairly clearly his goals – it is in its contents very similar to the speeches given earlier by Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Husain [AS] specifying that acting according to the Sunnah and the Qur’an is indissolubly linked to the cause of the ahl al-bait [AS] and it is to this religious position acting according to the Quran and the Sunnah and giving allegiance to the Ahl al-Bait [AS], that the tawwabun invite their followers.

Yazid – under whose auspices Imam Husain [AS] had been martyred, died in the year 64 AH, 683 AD. This appears to open an opportunity for immediate action in other words before the Umayyads had the chance to consolidate their rule after the transition to a new ruler it would have been good to take advantage of the situation. Sulaiman however decided that it would be premature and he concentrated on expanding the scope of the movement gathering more people into it by means of a secret organisation, in this he appears to have been fairly successful and a number of 16,000 is mentioned as having flocked to his banner. The successor of Yazid, Muawiyah II, also passed away after a gratifyingly short reign of 6 months and he was then followed by an old man who was not prepared for the purpose of power Marwan ibn al-Hakam. His rule also was not very lengthy he was killed in the course of a marital dispute by one of his wives who sat on his face. While these domestic misfortunes were assailing the Umayyads tribal disputes broke out among them. The Hijaz was seceded from them and the situation evolved in Kufa to the extent that the Umayyad governor was obliged to leave the city. Now the situation appeared to be propitious at last for an uprising, for a movement on the part of the tawwabun against what was left of an apparently crumbling Umayyad power. However in keeping with a pattern that had already been established many of the tawwabun fell away. And in the end there were only 2000 out of the original 16,000 that followed Sulaiman.

The Movement of Mukhtar Thaqafi

Matters were complicated at this point by the rise of a dissident Shi’i faction headed by Mukhtar Thaqafi. At the same time as the Umayyad house appears to have been crumbling and favourable conditions appeared to be emerging for a Shi’i  uprising divisions appeared within the Shi’i movement itself. There are for this various reasons one being the as yet undecided question of whether it was essential for the Imam [AS] to revolt immediately or whether it might be permissible for him to bide his time and follow a pattern of quiescence. The other being Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] the sole surviving son of Imam Husain [AS] he was resident in Madinah and did not have easy and frequent communication with Kufa which was still the main centre, demographically speaking, of the Shi’i movement. Also the principle of legitimacy had not yet been fully refined. In other words there was an agreement among the Shi’ah as a whole, legitimacy was vested in the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through Imam Ali [AS]. However there were those who believed that offspring of Imam Ali [AS], from wives other than Bibi Fatimah [AS], also had a right to the Imamate. Mukhtar Thaqafi who now comes forward espouses as the Imam – Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. Muhammad the son of Hanafi woman, Hanafi being a tribal designation. This Muhammad is known as such because of the significance of his mother, in order to emphasise that his mother was not the daughter of the Prophet [SAW] – Fatimah [AS], but rather a wife that Imam Ali [AS] took after the death of Bibi fatimah [AS].

Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah was put forward by Mukhtar as a candidate for the Imamate. Initially Mukhtar sought to merge his movement with that of the Tawwabun. However this was rejected by them because they appeared to have regarded Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin as the legitimate Imam – not Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah – because Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah is not a lineal descendant of the Prophet [SAW] through his daughter Fatimah [AS]. The genealogical connection is only through Imam Ali [AS] who is a cousin of the Prophet [SAW], therefore there is not a direct genealogical descent apart from the fact that Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] was in existence and regarded as the Imam. Of the original 16,000 of the tawwabun only 2000 now remained when having decided to be independent of Mukhtar and his group, Sulaiman lead his followers out into battle in November of 684 AD. The battle that took place was in many ways an echo of Karbala. In other words it was a lengthy battle, at first hand to hand combat between individuals of each of the two armies and then in the final night, the last night before the decisive confrontation, 1000 of the people slipped away. Therefore although the movement had begun with the intention of seeking martyrdom or seeking revenge for the death of Imam Husain [AS], many of those who participated in the movement behaved exactly as those who had betrayed Imam Husain [AS] three years earlier. So in the end an extremely small number met a vast army of the Umayyads, despite the various difficulties of the Umayyads. And they were almost entirely killed. Not before they had caused considerable losses to the Umayyad army also. This was the end of the movement of the Tawwabun, a movement that was primarily religious in its orientation, entertained the possibility of overthrowing the Umayyads – but moved independently of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] and ultimately gained their goal – at least those who remained with the movement till the end, of martyrdom in battle and thereby redeeming themselves for their earlier failures.

Mukhtar Thaqafi however remained on the scene – who had put forward as his candidate for the Imamate Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. He tried to shift the loyalty of the Shi’ah away from those who insisted upon the importance of descent not only from Imam Ali [AS], but also from Bibi Fatimah [AS] the daughter of the Prophet [SAW]. It can be said that this movement inaugurated by Mukhtar introduced the first significant breach into the Shi’i community. It is highly probable that more people followed Mukhtar and his candidates, Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah that followed the 4th Imam, Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]. One of the very remarkable things about the resilience of the Shi’i cause throughout history but particularly during the time of the 12 Imams is that it survived not only minority status, it not only survived persecution of varying degrees of intensity, but also it survived internal crises and disputes. The first of these is really the crisis that is bought about by the claims of Mukhtar on behalf of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah.

The Activities of the Fourth Imam [AS], Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]

At the time of the battle of Karbala the 4th Imam [AS] was sick and had for that reason not participated in the battle. But nonetheless was almost killed in the general slaughter that terminated the battle. Together with the surviving womenfolk he was taken from Karbala to Damascus and thence to Madinah. And in Madinah he was to spend the rest of his life. It is clear that he held the Umayyads responsible for the death of his father, in other words this was not the individual sin of Yazid, but it was an inherited responsibility – inherited by the later Umayyads also. He kept his distance from the Umayyads, spending his time almost exclusively in the cultivation of learning and personal piety. In this it is important to remember that although Madinah had lost its political importance, the caliphate had moved out of the Peninsula first out to Kufa, the land of Imam Ali [AS] and to some extent Imam Hassan [AS]. The centre of the caliphate was then established in Damascus in Syria the land of the Umayyads. Madinah had retained its eminence as a centre of learning and piety. It is therefore important that not only Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] but also his next two successors Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], are resident in Madinah. This means that there they participate in influentially and importantly in the unfolding of Islamic learning that was taking place at the time. It is why it can be spoken about of a radiation of spiritual influence beyond the relatively narrow circle of those who identified themselves as Shi’ah. Specifically with reference with Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], a number of hadith transmitted by him are to be found in the Sunni books of hadith, aswell as in the Shi’ah books. The principle literary legacy of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], is of course that book of Sahifah al-Sajadiyyah (Sahifah means book)– Sajadiyyah derives from one of the epithets of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] as Sajjad – one who engages in frequent and prolonged prostration.

The Sahifah al-Sajadiyyah which has been well translated into English under the title the ‘Psalms of Islam’ is a book of Du’a – supplicatory prayer. That does not fully exhaust it’s significance or adequately describe its content. You can see from the book that it is not simply a series of appeals addresses to God but rather has also a complete exposition of doctrine within it. Theological and metaphysical doctrine, aswell as moral advice, all of this contained in the form of supplicatory prayer. In fact it can be said that the supplicatory prayer by Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] and other of the Imams [AS] represent one of the most important forms of Shi’i literature. The Ziyarah is also distinctive genre of Shi’ah literature. It is not simply a text for recitation on a given occasion it is also contains within itself a wealth of intellectual and spiritual content. Likewise the Du’a the supplicatory prayers, compiled by the Imams for a whole variety of occasions, religiously significant occasions, days of festivals, important points in life – even days of the week, Du’a is an important contribution of the Imams and a significant portion of Shi’ah literature is such. The Sahifah al-Sajadiyyah also has found some echo among Sunni Muslims aswell. Even in part or as a whole. If one looks at the books of Du’a that were, until the fairly recent subversion of Sunni tradition, there are a large number of Dua’s taken from the Imams of the Ahl al-Bait [AS] aswell. This is like the memory of Karbala a shared part of Sunni as well as Shi’ah tradition.

One anecdote contemporary with Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] points clearly to his significance and his influence in his own lifetime. It is said that the Umayyad caliph of the day came to perform the Hajj, after all from a public relations point of view it was necessary for the caliph to make an appearance on such occasions. But when he arrived and wanted to approach the Ka’bah in the course of the Hajj he found himself unable to do so because of the vast throng of people gathered around a certain individual. Upon asking who was this individual he was informed that this was Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]. What we know of the relatively small number of the Shi’ah at the time who owed their loyalty in the distinctively Shi’ah sense to Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] that throng respectfully gathered around him must have been draw from the broader community. However Mukhtar Thaqafi and Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah did have their following from within the Shi’ah community. Most probably because of the desire for some immediate deliverance – the path of quietude and patience chosen by Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] did not appear convincing or satisfactory to some individuals in the Shi’ah community.

The Movement of Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin

There also emerged a challenge to Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] from another quarter, so we have to speak of a three way split in the Shi’ah community at this time. His own son - Zaid. There is some dispute in the literature about whether Zaid himself made a claim to the Imamate or the claim was advanced on his behalf. Already in the lifetime of his father he had a group gathered around him prepared to advance his claim for the Imamate on the death of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] – which took place in the year 94 AH, 712 AD. Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] before his death had designated as his successor his eldest son Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. There were rival claims by his (Imam Muhammad al-Baqir’s [AS]) half brother Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin. This pointed again to the instability of much of the Shi’i community with respect to the problem of political behaviour. Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidn precisely like Mukhtar who advanced the claims of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah, believed that defining for the Imamate was immediate and uncompromising insurrection. In other words patient waiting was not permissible. It was not only not permissible but lead to the negation, to the nullifying of the very principle of the Imamate itself. If matters were not complicated enough, now, this claim from one of the offspring of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], also made matters more complex. The challenge that he mounted was reinforced by an appeal on his behalf towards Sunni opinion. Because Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin whilst insisting on the primacy of Imam Ali [AS] and of his legitimacy as caliph, had a somewhat conciliatory attitude towards the first two caliphs – Abu Bakr and Umar. He said that their exercise of the caliphate had not been without its merit. Under some circumstances the Imamate of the less preferable person was permissible. This is a topic that enters into Sunni political theory also. Whether it is permissible for someone less virtuous and accomplished than another to exercise power, some people say that it is permissible and some say that it is not permissible. The Sunni consensus says that it is permissible for one less virtuous than someone else to exercise power. In Shi’ism for obvious reasons this is generally not that the case. That it is the most virtuous person, the possessor of the quality of ‘ismah the one who is inerrant and infallible – necessarily he must as a matter of logic as well as legitimacy exercise power. This principle is diluted or modified by the followers of Zaid ibn Ali and his followers who say that the first two caliphs although not fully legitimate nonetheless deserve respect and that their practises should be incorporated into the methods of law.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 9

Synopsis

-A review of previous lectures by asking the following questions:-

> What verses of the Qur’an are seen by Shi’is as particularly relevant to the Imamate, and the successorship of Imam Ali [AS]?
> Then the most significant hadith that points to the succession of Imam Ali [AS].
>Describe the role played by Imam Ali [AS] during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW]
>What obstacles confronted Imam Ali [AS] during his tenure of the caliphate?  
>Why did Imam Hassan [AS] choose to abdicate to Muawiyah?
>What lasting impact did the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] have on the world view and the religious practise of Shi’i Muslims?
>describe the evolution of the overall Shi’i movement during the Imamates of Imam ‘Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] and Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS].

1) What verses of the Qur’an are seen by Shi’is as particularly relevant to the Imamate, and the successorship of Imam Ali [AS].

The principle verses in mind are ayah al-tathir (the verse of purification)

‘…And Allah [SWT] only wishes to remove all abomination from you ye Ahl al-Bait (people of the house), and to make you pure and spotless.’ (33:33)

Which is taken by Shi’i Muslims as an indication of the inerrancy and freedom from sin of the household of the Prophet [SAW], which in turn is stood to mean the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through his daughter Bibi Fatimah [AS] and his cousin and son-in-law Imam Ali [AS].

Then the ayah that runs,

‘Today we have perfected for you your religion and completed our blessing upon you and chosen for you Islam as your religion.’ (5:3)

This verse being revealed towards the end of the career of the Prophet [SAW], is taken to indicate the nomination of Imam Ali [AS] and thereby the institution of the Imamate -  it is this that constitutes the perfection of religion and the completion of the Divine Bounty upon mankind. In this connection, there is the verse of communication, or proclamation – ayah al-tabligh.

‘O Messenger! Proclaim the (Message) which hath been sent to thee from thy Lord. If thou didst not, thou wouldst not have fulfilled and proclaimed His mission. And Allah will defend thee from men (who mean mischief) for Allah guideth not those who reject faith’ (5:67)

In which the Prophet [SAW] is commanded to convey that which is revealed unto him and were he failed to do so then it would be as if he had not conveyed the message at all. The topic which he is called upon to convey is left unnamed in the verse, but the verse indicates that it’s communication is equivalent to conveying the entirety of the Divine Message. It must therefore be a matter of great importance and the chronology and the context point to the nomination of Imam Ali [AS] as the successor of the Prophet [SAW] on the occasion of the farewell pilgrimage and the gathering of the pilgrims at the location of Ghadir-Khum. One could add other verses in which the Prophet [SAW] is ordered to tell the believers that, ‘I do not ask of you any reward save love for the household, or love for my relatives.’ The first three are most important.

2) Then the most significant hadith that points to the succession of Imam Ali [AS].

There is the event in which the Prophet [SAW] early in his career summoned his relatives to believe in his mission and to follow him. Imam Ali [AS] as a young boy responded positively, the Prophet [SAW] bestowed upon him four significant attributes that he was to be his wasi (trustee), his heir, his khalifah and his successor after him. This is an early indication of a hadith specifying the nomination of Imam Ali [AS] as the successor to the Prophet [SAW]. At the very end of the career of the Prophet [SAW] there is hadith about the gathering of the Muslims at Ghadir-Khum, where he asked the Muslims,

‘Who has a greater claim on you than your ownselves?’

They then responded, ‘You do, O Messenger.’

Immediately after that the Prophet [SAW] said, ‘Whomsoever I am his maula, then Ali [AS] is also his maula.’

The Word maula here, is interpreted by Shi’i Muslims given the context as being the one deserving obedience and possessing authority over the believers. These are two clear and explicit hadith – one from early in the mission of the Prophet [SAW] and one coming from the final years. There is also the hadith about the city of knowledge, where the Prophet [SAW] proclaimed that he himself was the city of knowledge and Imam Ali [AS], was the gate of the city of knowledge i.e. that means by which access can be had to the knowledge of the Prophet [SAW]. Here the knowledge of the Prophet [SAW] is something other than the Qur’an (that was revealed to him and proclaimed by him), although connected to it. The body of knowledge that is given, bestowed in exclusivity on Imam Ali [AS] by the Prophet [SAW]. Then the hadith that says quite simply:-

‘Ali is the wali of every believer after me.’

Wali comes from the same origin as the word Maula and here conveys approximately the same meaning. And finally the hadith in which the Prophet [SAW] says that,

‘you are unto me as Haroon was to Musa except that there is no Prophet after me.’

In other words, the same relationship of intimacy and assistance that existed between Harun and Musa, exists between the Prophet [SAW] and Ali [AS] with the single exception that Harun was the Prophet, whereas Ali [AS] is not. One significance of this hadith is that Imam Ali [AS] is not simply the successor of the Prophet [SAW], but already with respect to the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] has a particularly close and unique relationship. Why, because clearly Harun exercised his mission contemporaneously with Musa [AS].

3) Describe the role played by Imam Ali [AS] during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW].

Staying behind in Makkah and sleeping in the bed of the Prophet [SAW], in order to conceal the fact of the Prophet’s migration to Madinah. His being the first person to pray the canonical prayer of Islam in conjunction with the Prophet [SAW]. His role as a warrior after the migration to Madinah, and the beginning of the battles. His acting as a standard bearer to the Prophet [SAW] – in the various battles that took place. His aiding the Prophet [SAW] in the conquest of Makkah in destroying the idols that were in the courtyard of the Ka’bah.

4) What obstacles confronted Imam Ali [AS] during his tenure of the caliphate?  

The period in question is the period three caliphs and his abstention from public or political involvement, and his tenure as the fourth of the rightly guided caliphs (from the Sunni point of view). The obstacles that confronted him - you could talk about the existence of a rival centre of power in Damascus under the auspice of Mu’awiyah, who using the assassination of Uthman the third caliph as a pretext now wished to deny legitimacy to Imam Ali [AS] and refused him his loyalty and his obedience. You could cite the various tricks and stratagems employed by Mu’awiyah to confront Imam Ali [AS] above all the stratagem of the arbitration that caused the battle of Siffin to come to an inconclusive outcome. At the battle of Siffin, the Imam Ali [AS] was about to put flight to the army of Mu’awiyah whereupon a cry arose from the army of Mu’awiyah that the matter should be settled not on the battlefield but through arbitration causing division in the ranks of Imam Ali’s [AS] following and the frustration of the impending military victory. It can be mentioned about the diversity and fragility of Imam Ali’s [AS] following by diversity we can mean – including persons who hostility to the Umayyads was based on tribal and regional affiliation. Inhabitants of Iraq as members of different Arab tribes migrated to the Peninsula to Iraq they had simple feelings of rivalry and hostility to the Umayyads and the tribes that supported them in Syria. And infinitely smaller group, are those that supported Imam Ali [AS] on the basis of a clear understanding of the nascent Imamate – nascent in the sense that it’s doctrines had not been fully formulated although publicly proclaimed – however these people clearly realised that Imam Ali [AS] had a unique claim to legitimate rule over the Muslim community, and gave him there loyalty on that basis, but this group was relatively small. Then it can also be mentioned as a significant obstacle confronting Imam Ali [AS] the emergence of the Kharijite movement – those who rejected him allegedly because of his reluctant acceptance of the principle of arbitration, then however turned against him fully. It was one of the Kharijites who assassinated him, bringing his tenure of the caliphate to an end.

5) Why did Imam Hassan [AS] choose to abdicate to Muawiyah?

After the maryrdom of Imam Ali [AS] in Kufa, for a brief time Imam Hassan [AS]  exercised rule. Certain movements elsewhere in the Muslim world and the Hijaz, Makkah and Madinah – particularly Madinah also  gave him their loyalty. Nevertheless after a brief period he abdicated and turned over rule to Mu’awiyah, because he realised the fragility of his position that is that he did not have the necessary support any more than Imam Ali [AS] had had in order to successfully confront Mu’awiyah. Therefore he abdicated to Mu’awiyah on condition that if Mu’awiyah were to predecease him then the caliphate would refer to him, to Imam Hassan [AS], failing that Mu’awiyah would not nominate his son, or any of the Umayyad family to succeed him. Imam Hassan [AS] died before Muawiyah most probably poisoned at the instigation of Mu’awiyah. Even before Mu’awiyah died he broke the other conditon for Imam Hassan’s [AS] abdication by nominating his son Yazid to succeed him and in fact he attempted to force the giving of allegiance in advance of his own death to Yazid on the part of the prominent leaders of the Muslims community – including of course above all Imam Hussain [AS].

6) What lasting impact did the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] have on the world view and the religious practise of Shi’i Muslims?

For example the movement of the tawwabun, the penitents – who out of a feeling of profound guilt of having abandoned Imam Hussain [AS] at Kerbala, went forth against overwhelming odds eager to avenge the death of the Imam [AS], they went out and followed him into martyrdom. The world view of Shi’i Muslims, one can say that the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] and the failure of the great majority of the Muslim community to react with horror at this event, there continuance to acquiesce with respect to the Umayyad Caliph, this helped to consolidate the Shi’i community as a separate group within the Ummah of Islam, within the overall community of Islam. The claim for legitimate rule over the entire Muslim community continued, and has continued right down to then end series of the 12 Imams [AS], that is to say the unique claim of legitimacy over the entirety of the Muslim Community has through all times continued. However as a matter of historical reality, the Shi’i Imams became the leaders of a separate group within the overall Muslim community that turned to them for religious and spiritual guidance while affirming their legitimate although frustrated claim to political leadership. Then too, the question of ziyarah, pilgrimage to the shrine of Imam Ali [AS] was already established, as a desirable and meritorious religious act. Ziyarah to Imam Hussain [AS] takes on a particular flavour and emphasis because of the fashion in which his martyrdom took place. He was martyred unlike Imam Ali [AS] not by a relatively marginal and small group, the Kharijites, rather he was murdered by the one who had successfully at least from the political point of view, successfully made a claim to the caliphate and was able to have that claim accepted by the great number of Muslims. Therefore the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS], highlights in a very clear and vivid fashion the view of Shi’i principles of Tawallah and Tabarrah, Tawallah – the swearing of allegiance to the Imams [AS] the Ahl al-Bayt [AS] the call to legitimacy and justice. Tabarrah – means disassociating oneself from those who are the enemies of the Ahl al-Bait [AS], it practically requires cursing against all those who have conspired against the Ahl al-Bait [AS] and denied their claims and violated their rights. Apart from the Ziyarah which can be performed from afar, not necessarily by a physical journey to Kerbala, also other rights of commemoration culminating in the theatrical representation of the tragic events above all in Iran, this is known as Ta’ziyah. The totality of these events overall form an important part of Shi’ah religiosity fosters the consciousness of Kerbala as having been a confrontation not simply between two persons – but rather between two principles, that constantly manifest in human history in different persons and entities, so that mourning the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS], and to associate oneself emotively with the Imam [AS] has concrete political application in the present age – recent examples are the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and even the contemporary experience of Shi’i Muslims in Lebanon.

7) Describe the evolution of the overall Shi’i movement during the Imamates of Imam ‘Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] and Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS].

The divergent currents and rivalries that emerged within Shi’ism, this is a phenomenon that begins already in the time of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] as a result of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS], and his (the 4th Imam's [AS]) choice of political retreat and quietism. It also results from the as yet imperfectly elaborated doctrine of legitimacy that is the basis for the identification of the Imam [AS], this as yet is a task that has not been completed.

Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] passed away in the year 94 AH, 712 AD. He was buried in Madinah where he had spent the entirety of his life after the tragedy of Kerbala, and before he died he nominated his eldest son Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] as his successor. When it is said that he nominated Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] as his successor there is no record of any specific occasion where he did so, nor is there extant the words that he may have used in nominating him. And it is possible that in the relevant literature there is here a retrospective attribution to Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] of a procedure that became standard later in the lives of the 12 Imams [AS] i.e. of nominating. However it seems a reasonable assumption to make that in some fashion or another at least within the relatively narrow circle of his own followers, Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] did indeed nominate Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] as his successor. Why is this? Because we know that Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] in his own lifetime had opposed the movement of Mukhtar, who was promoting the claims of another son of Imam Ali [AS] to be the Imam i.e. Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah was a son of Imam Ali [AS] but from a wife other than Fatimah [AS], the daughter of the Prophet [SAW], not withstanding that Mukhtar promoted the claim of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah to be the Imam, for him to be the legitimate successor to Imam Hussain [AS]. This was disputed by Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], on the grounds that descent from Imam Ali [AS] was not in itself enough. The descent of the Imam [AS] had to be from Imam Ali [AS] and the daughter of the Prophet [SAW], Bibi Fatimah [AS]. So that here we have a clarification already, a refinement of the legitimist criteria – It is through this line that the Imamate is transmitted. Since Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] made this point in refuting the claims made by Mukhtar on behalf of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah, it stands to reason that he should have applied the same criteria in nominating as his own successor Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] who now emerges as the fifth Imam [AS] in the series of 12 Imams [AS].

To begin with Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] is unique in terms of lineage in that he is a descendant not only of Imam Hussain [AS] and therefore Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS], but also on his mother’s side he is a descendant of Imam Hassan [AS]. So these two lineages are united in the person of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. He is with respect to both maternal and paternal ancestry a descendant of the Prophet [SAW] through Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS]. So this in itself gave him a certain edge over his opponents in terms of claims to legitimacy. As for the title al-Baqir this is an abbreviation of a more complete version ‘Baqir al-‘ulum’ literally, ‘the one who splits open knowledge’. There are varying versions of how this title became bestowed upon him. The most common version invoke the oldest surviving companion of the Prophet [SAW] at that time a certain Jabir ibn ‘Abdullah al-Ansari. He was a companion of the Prophet [SAW] in a fairly substantial sense that is to say that he is not simply a contemporary of the Prophet [SAW] who had seen him but had been more closely associated with the Prophet [SAW]. Jabir had allegedly been told by the Prophet [SAW],

‘O Jabir you will one day meet a man that will have the same name as me and the same characteristics as me, he split open knowledge extensively.’

The name is the same obviously – Muhammad. In terms of characteristics – here we have an indication that in physical appearance Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] like in fact the two grandsons of the Prophet [SAW], Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS], bore a certain physical resemblance to the Prophet [SAW]. So it is interesting that several generations after the Prophet [SAW] it seems that the Imams bore a physical resemblance to him, which presumably in the course of time was diminished through marriage with a variety of wives who did not have the same lineage. In these early generations there are a number of individuals who are described as even having a physical resemblance to the Prophet [SAW], which is of course significant in that, Shi’i tradition sees in a physical resemblance, simply an outward manifestation of a more significant inward affinity between the Imams [AS] and the Prophet [SAW].

Since there are a whole series of different versions of precisely how Jabir ibn ‘Abdallah al-Ansari came to recognise Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] as the person who the Prophet [SAW] had in mind, it is difficult to be sure that any of them are true, afterall, varying contradictory narratives for a single event there is a real possibility that none of them are in fact precisely true. What is significant however in a more general sense is that this narration irrespective of its accuracy with respect to detail points again to a direct connection to the Prophet [SAW]. This significance of a direct connection to the Prophet [SAW] not only is there this assertion that Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] physically resembled the Prophet [SAW], also his coming is seen to be foretold by the Prophet [SAW], and his distinctive function i.e. splitting open knowledge is also foretold by him. In just the same way that we have seen with Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS], were from one point of view in the usage of the Prophet [SAW] himself, not simply his grandsons but his sons. So direct connection to the Prophet [SAW] aswell as by descent is something that we can deduce from the story of Jabir ibn ‘Abdallah al-Ansari. Aswell as the term ‘Baqir al-‘ulum’ or its abbreviated form Baqir – this too is of significance. From a number of points of view, firstly the fact that the essence of the Imamate is not a failed attempt to exercise political rule over the Muslims, but rather it relates in the first place to knowledge. In fact, if one were to establish a connection between the two dimensions of the Imamate, the claim to political legitimacy to rule and knowledge – one would say that because of the possession of knowledge in part, because of this possession, that the claim to legitimate rule deserves acceptance and enforcement. So in the very title given to Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], there is then a renewed emphasis on the centrality of knowledge ‘ ‘ilm’ the knowledge inherited from the Prophet [SAW], transmitted from him as central to the Imamate.

In addition to that it can be said that particularly after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] in Kerbala and the choice of quietude of political inactivity of Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS], the emphasis on ‘ilm, the cultivation and transmission of knowledge as central and defining to the Imamate became even more important. Imam Zain al-Abidin’s [AS] Imamate had been disputed by Mukhtar – now Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] has to contend with a greater range of rivals from within the Shi’i movement – more broadly conceived. Therefore it was necessary for him to lay stress not only on his ancestry, that is the ancestry from Imam ‘Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS] both on the fathers and the mother’s side. It was also necessary for him to draw attention to the centrality of knowledge as being the most important element in the Imamate.

Mukhtar had raised his claims on behalf of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah, already in the lifetime and the Imamate of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]. In 81 AH, 700 AD exactly 20 years after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS], Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah died, and Mukhtar himself died in battle. The reason for this fairly comprehensive and definitive defeat was quite simply lack of planning and caution, paucity of numbers as compared to the still formidable military capacity of the Umayyads. Such however was the persistence of the claims put forward on behalf of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah that the movement survived the death of Mukhtar and Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. And a whole series of fragments formed to which we apply the collective name Qaisaniyyah  - the totality of these groups are referred to as Qaisaniyyah. Common to the Qaisaniyyah are the following elements – first a belief in what is called ‘raj’a’. Raj’a comes from the Arabic verb to return, but what is meant is the following – a resurrection or what you might call a selective resurrection of certain people in history for a replay of the events in which they have participated so that many of the Qaisanis believed that Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah would come back. He would be literally reincarnated, he would return having suffered physical death, he would be reborn, presumarably in the same form – so that he could be easily distinguished by his still existent followers. This is to be distinguished from the general resurrection of all mankind. In other words after the raj’a the return, the person will again die – but presumerably under more favourable circumstances than before. After coming back, Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah and Mukhtar will in fact triumph over the Umayyads, then they will have a normal lifespan and die like everyone else. This is a preliminary and selective resurrection which should not be confused with the overall resurrection of all mankind at the end of time.

This theme of the raj’a did not enter mainstream Shi’i doctrine at this time, however some places for it are to be found later. It is a doctrine the acceptability of which is a matter of controversy, but it is found in the traditions of twlever Shi’ism also a minority belief that a similar raj’a will take place towards the end of time. That is that persons of Shi’i Muslim history, including Imam Hussain [AS] will also have a raj’a – they will come back in this particular sense. This however is a minority position, not strongly documented in any of the authoritative sources. Another long term doctrinal contribution of the qaisaniyyah is the notion of ghaybah. This does indeed fully delve into twelver Shi’i doctrine as something that is universally accepted and it is one of the defining beliefs of twelver Shi’ism – Ghaybah is different from Raj’a. Ghaybah has the basic meaning of absence in Arabic. What is specifically meant here is that certain sacred historic figures have absented themselves from the physical plain. They have not died, but neither are they present and living in this world. They are suspended in this world and the hereafter. However this absence will come to an end and the persons in question will return to the worldly plain but this is an entirely different matter to the raj’a. Raj’a implies a real physical death, and a real physical resurrection. Ghaybah by contrast is an absence from the worldly plain which will be followed by a return to the worldly plain. But at all times the person in the state of Ghaybah is alive. The Quranic archetype of Ghaybah is Prophet ‘Isa [AS] in that the Qur’an teaches us that ‘Isa [AS] did not die and was not crucified but rather was raised by Allah (SWT) unto Himself, the Qur’an is very categorical and explicit i.e. that they (the Romans/Jews) did not kill him or crucify him. He did not die on the cross and was not put on there in the first place. Rather Allah (SWT) raised him unto Himself. That raising of ‘Isa [AS] unto the Divine Presence is a raising of him alive without suffering death on the worldly plain. There are indications elsewhere in the Qur’an that Isa [AS] will return from this state of Ghaybah. It is not that the word Ghaybah is applied in general Islamic doctrine to the case of Isa [AS] it has not entered for example the vocabulary of Sunni Islam, but clearly here there is a parallel and the most important parallel is not with the Qaisanis who fairly quickly disappear into history but rather with mainline twlever Shi’ism. The Twelth Imam [AS] the last in the series is in a state of Ghaybah – in a state of absence from which he will at the end of time return. Historically speaking although we have some traditions from the Prophet [SAW] which hint at the Ghaybah of the 12th Imam [AS], however historically speaking the first introduction of the theme of Ghaybah does come with the Qaisaniyyah. Messianism – that is to say that the expectation of a return of a figure bestowing salvation, that is putting an end to usurpation of rule, illegitimacy and injustice, this makes it first plain occurrence in Shi’i history with this otherwise marginal movement known as the Qaisaniyyah.

Longer lived and more persistent than the Qaisaniyyah as a rival to Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] was his own half brother, Zaid ibn ‘Ali Zain al-‘abidin. Already in the lifetime of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], Zaid had been making it plain that he had ambitions for the Imamate despite the fact that it was his elder brother Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] that had been nominated by his father. Despite the rival claims that existed between the two it is worth pointing out they concentrated their attacks on each other’s followers rather than on each others persons. For example it is known that Zaid was once taken into the presence of the Umayyad caliph Hisham, Hisham in a mocking and disrespectful fashion asked Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin how is your brother Muhammad ‘al-Baqarah’, ‘Baqarah’ being an Arabic word meaning cow. In other words in a play on words instead of referring to Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] as ‘Baqir al-‘ulum’ the caliph Hisham referred to him as al-Baqarah – the cow. Whereupon he was upbraided by Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin that you are here insulting one who is of the lineage of the Prophet [SAW], and someone infinitely more elevated than yourself. For his part Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] certainly rejected the claims of Zaid to the Imamate but concentrated his activities not so much on polemics, but rather on building up his own community and clarifying what he regarded as the important principles of legitimacy. What motivated Zaid? It can be said that Zaid and his followers were above all impatient with the abstention from political action that had come to qualify the Imamate after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS]. Imam Zain al-Abidin [AS] had devoted himself to piety and religious teaching in Madinah, had distanced himself even from the movement of the Tawwabun those who had set out to avenge the death and the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS]. But there were those within the Shi’i community who did not understand the primacy which was being awarded to the cultivation of knowledge who said that the Imam [AS] as a matter of duty must necessarily rise up through armed force and insurrection if necessary to claim the Imamate. And understandable attitude in view of continuing misdeeds of the Umayyads and above all the very vivid and painful memory of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS]. However as Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] pointed out to his brother Zaid in essence by making this claim he was denying the legitimacy of his own father, that is the father of both of them Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS], because Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin had abstained from all types of insurrectionary activity. Therefore Zaid was cutting off the branch on which he himself was sitting. He could not claim to be a successor to a person to whose legitimacy he was implicitly casting into doubt. Even beyond that it can be said that implicitly Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin was criticising the record of Imam Ali [AS] himself who had adopting a similar attitude of political abstention during the rule of the first three caliphs. So there was this importance difference between them with respect to the question of insurrection or not insurrection. Zaid in order to promote the cause of the Imamate was inclined to compromise with certain elements within the Sunni community. He was inclined to accept the Shaikhain – Abu Bakr and 'Umar the first two caliphs, he was inclined to accept them as persons who had exercised the caliphate in a generally honest and acceptable fashion even though they were less virtuous and deserving of the office than Imam Ali [AS] had been. A theological matter which is known as the Imamate of the less virtuous. It is permissible as a matter of pragmatic necessity to accept that one who is less virtuous than another person may exercise rule. This of course had a certain pragmatic effect in that persons of Sunni persuasion who were dissatisfied with the Umayyads, but nonetheless retained a certain reverence for Abu Bakr and Umar would be inclined to join the movement. But there was more to it than this – once the qualified legitimacy of the caliphates of Abu Bakr and Umar is accepted this has ramifications on the legal plain. We have seen that Imam Ali [AS] himself, when he accepted the caliphate after the assassination of Uthman did so on the condition that he would be guided in his exercise of rule only by the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet [SAW] himself, not the precendence and rulings of Abu Bakr and Umar. Therefore when Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin now accepts the Shaikhain (Abu Bakr and 'Umar), this implies also an acceptance of certain of the legal rulings that proceed from these two individuals that had been regarded as unacceptable by Imam Ali [AS], Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] – it would therefore have been a rupture with the precedence established by previous Imams. It can be said that these legal matters, although when you look at them individually it may not appear to be particularly significant, were at that historical juncture of importance because part of what was underway in the Muslim community as a whole now was the formation of distinct legal schools, the schools of jurisprudence. We have here another reason why the cultivation of knowledge by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] is significant.

Imam Muhammad al-Baqir’s [AS] contribution in the field of religious knowledge not simply focuses attention again clearly on knowledge as the central element in the Imamate it also helps him to clarify Shi’i jurisprudence a distinct school of Shi’i law. At the same time in the Sunni community as well parallel developments are underway. Generally speaking with respect to the evolution of Shi’ism, in the Sunni context we have to bear in mind a kind of paradox or contradiction. As history proceeds and the positions of the two schools become more clarified and to a degree more antagonistic to each other still there is a kind of parallel in development – that is to say at that same time that legal questions assume major importance in the Sunni community, so too they do in the Shi’ah community. And the period of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] - in the Sunni community the period in which the distinct Sunni schools of law are taking shape, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] in formulating some of the principles of Shi’i jurisprudence is at one and the same time rejecting the enterprise of Zaid, in accepting the legal precedence of Abu Bakr and Umar, and also giving identity and cohesion to the Shi’i community into the formulation of distinct legal precepts at a time when the Sunnis are also forming their legal schools.

What are some of the issues that are at stake here? Firstly the permissibility of a substance known as nabib – it is an intoxicating drink commonly made from dates. There is in Islam the universally, unanimous prohibition of wine, made from the grape. However there was not much cultivation of grapes from the Arabian Peninsula and the common drink was nabib – an intoxicating, fermented drink made primarily from dates – also apparently from other substances on occasion. There was a difference of opinion on the permissibility or otherwise of nabib, because the word Nabib does not occur in the Qur’an in the context of the verses which prohibit the drinking of wine. A number of early schools of Sunni Jurisprudence regarded the consumption of Nabib as permissible it is true that in the course of time that was discarded with the exception of one school of law. At this particular time however it appears that nabib was regarded as permissible. Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] clearly dismissed the permissibility of nabib and laid down farily strict rules for determining when a drink otherwise licit might become illicit because of fermentation. Then a more long lasting question or controversy, was the sentence in the call to prayer which is in Arabic ‘Hayah ‘ala Khair al-‘amal’ ‘come to the best of deeds.’ The Islamic call to prayer begins with the invocation of the greatness of Allah (SWT), then the testimony to the Messenger [SAW], then come to prayer, come to prayer, come to prosperity, come to prosperity. In the Shi'ah Adhan the additional sentence is recited Haya ‘ala Khair al-‘amal – ‘Come to the best of deeds’ – from the common Sunni view this is a Shi’i innovation. But from the point of view of Shi’i Islam this is the reconstruction of the integral call to prayer that was deformed by the 2nd caliph ‘Umar. It is said that this sentence was deleted from the call to prayer by ‘Umar because he was afraid that Muslims would spend all their time in prayer and for example abandon the tasks of jihad and conquest. Therefore the sentence was not added, but restored from the point of view of Shi’ah Islam.

Likewise connected with the person of the 2nd Caliph as an unacceptable innovation on his part was the prohibition of termed marriage Mu’tah. In Mu’tah a contract is established between a man and a women for being married for a certain period, the woman instead of having the usual bride price half of which she would receive on consummation of marriage, half of which is retained in case of divorce – receives a prearranged sum which will become due to her at the expiration of the period. There is no numerical limitation on the period of a Mu’tah so in theory it can be concluded at the time of a person’s death, transforming it into a permanent marriage – however there are different rights and obligations that apply to Mu’tah that do not apply to a permanent marriage or a marriage that aspires to permanence. Mu’tah was definitely practised in the time of the Prophet [SAW], it is authorised in the Qur’an however obliquely. And we know also that is was practised in the time of Abu Bakr the first Caliph, and for several years during the caliphate of ‘Umar. ‘Umar however took it upon himself to prohibit the Mu’tah and even to threaten with execution as adulterers those who persisted in practising it. From the Shi’i point of view – Umar having not been attributed as ma’sum had no authority to prohibit that which had been clearly permitted by the Prophet [SAW] and the Qur’an, therefore Mu’tah has been retained as one of the forms of marriage in Shi’i law and down to the present. The emphasis for the permissibility of Mu’tah from the time of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] onwards should not be taken to indicate the excellence of the practise itself – it is indeed permitted, it is not that refraining from it is a simple or reprehensible act. Insofar however that the conclusion of a Mu’tah marriage is implicitly in denial of the unauthorised claim introduced by ‘Umar, Insofar as it is an indication of continued loyalty to the Imams [AS] as the rightful heirs to the interpretation and application of Islamic law, insofar as Mu’tah represents that it is a virtuous and recommended act. It takes on a significance that it does not intrinsically possess.

These matters placed in the historical and polemical context, served to delineate the nascent Shi’i jurisprudence from its Sunni counterparts and it also served to create a distance between Imam Muhammad al-Baqir and his rival Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-Abidin. Also there is a question, a more significant question of the methods and principles of jurisprudence. Things mentioned so far are examples of the furu’ i.e. the branches – specific ordinances of Islamic law, they are known as the branches of the law. Then there are the principles of the law, in other words how does one arrive at a specific ruling on a given topic. These principles are known as the usul, the roots of the law. With respect to the roots of the law, Shi’ah Islam beginning with Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], begins to evolve into a  distinctive group, in a negative fashion through the rejection of qiyas – the rejection of analogical reasoning. What is the problem with analogical reasoning. In order to arrive at an ordinance a specific law or ordinance on a particular topic, the Qur’an and the Sunnah are not in themselves enough, we cannot expect to find in the Qur’an or in the Sunnah of the Prophet [SAW] explicit detailed guidance for every conceivable circumstance and situation. However the principle of the comprehensive authority of Islamic law exists – therefore how under the overall sovereignty of Islamic law are provisions to be established for each specific problem that arises. One method is by analogy, that is one takes an existing problem or a newly arising problem and sees if there is in the Qur’an or Sunnah an analogous or similar case, then on the basis of a presumed analogy proceeds to establish an ordinance – this apparently reasonable procedure is in fact fraught with many problems and difficulties. In any event it is disapproved of in Shi’i jurisprudence. Also in negative terms, Shi’i jurisprudence defines itself early on by the rejection of another rule – Ra’i. Ra’i is personal opinion – that is an individual scholar of the law will in his attempt to come up with a ruling for a particular situation simply in the absence of detailed guidance from the Qur’an apply his own understanding to the topic and admits an opinion which is known as Ra’i. Ra’i because of its arbitrary and fallible nature is rejected – because two individuals could in good faith could apply themselves to the same problem and come up with entirely different and even contradictory answers, therefore Ra’i is not regarded as acceptable. However what Shi’i jurisprudence beginning explicitly with Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] onwards does regard as an acceptable and important principle of the law is ‘aql – intelligence or reason. Which might at first sight appear to be similar to Ra’i but it is not. Intelligence is one thing and opinion is something else. What is at issue here is intelligence. Intelligence is defined in a technical fashion, which prevents it from degenerating into a purely arbitrary and personal judgement in law.

There are other matters at consideration when considering Imam Muhammad Baqir [AS] as the founder of distinctive disciplines of Shi’i learning.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 10

Synopsis

-The Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]
-The Imamate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]
-The influence of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]
-The successorship of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]
-The emergence of the Abbasids
-The quietism of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and the emphasis on cultivation of knowledge

The Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]

Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] laid emphasis on the following factors – firstly his choice inherited from his father of political quietism, that is to say his  refusal openly to contest rule by the Umayyads. And secondly as a corollary to that a growing emphasis upon the transmission of a unique body of knowledge as constituted the essence of the Imamate. Thirdly a clarification of specific details on which the emergent law of the Shi’ah community differentiated itself from the legal precepts of the surrounding Sunni Community, for example in the call to prayer the inclusion of ‘haya ‘ala khair al-‘aml’ ‘Hasten to the best of deeds’ included by Shi’ah Muslims but omitted by Sunni Muslims – it was Shi’ah belief that it was blocked by the second caliph ‘Umar. Then also the question of Mu’tah – termed marriage, which again is regarded as being of continuous permissibility by Shi’ah Muslims having been only prohibited by ‘Umar the second caliph, it contravention of the existing provision. Thirdly the question of date wine ‘nabib in which there is some ambiguity amongst other schools of Islamic law emerging at the time, but was categorically prohibited by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. The consideration of the Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] merges easily into consideration of that of his son and successor Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] like his predecessor had to deal with a variety of claimants to the Imamate, all of them descended from Imam Ali [AS], in other words he had to fight off these claims and to clarify the principles of legitimacy, the principles of legitimate succession to the Imamate. The other aspects of the Imamate Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] continued with his predecessor only greatly intensified, in particular the codification of a separate and distinctive school of law which came to form the basis of Shi’i jurisprudence, to the degree that Shi’i jurisprudence is known till the present day as the Ja’fari school of law, Ja’fari Madhab. Therefore Shi’ism as a school of law has a strong association with Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS].

The Imamate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

Imam Jaffer [AS] expanded upon the principles put forward by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] with respect to legitimacy. In other words he made plain that the essence of the Imamate was authorised transmission by ones predecessor. In other words not simply a claim through genealogical desendency through Imam Ali [AS] and willingness to stand against the Umayyads and come forth in rebellion, but a clear nomination as the successor to the Imamate by the preceding Imam [AS]. These are the main elements in the Imamate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], which is a period of extreme importance in the history of Shi’ism. The Imam [AS] exercised the Imamate for a longer period than any of the other Imams, about 28 years. He lived in a period and place in which access to him was relatively easy, both for immediate followers of the Imam [AS] and for the broader Muslim community, like his father and grandfather – he resided in Madinah, with brief absences. And Madinah at this point was a centre of the cultivation of the Islamic sciences in general. And it is partly because of this that we see the influence of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] beyond the relatively narrow confines of his own group. He had considerable and important interaction with scholars of the Sunni community aswell. Which is an indication of a number of things that the lines of division between Sunni and Shi’ah, although partly under the auspices of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] were becoming clearer and clearer, still there was not yet mutual segregation, mutual hostility to a point that the exchange of influence was excluded.

In a sense we can say that this is foreshadowed in the ancestry of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. He was born in Madinah in 80 AH, 699 AD, there is an alternative date, 83 AH, 703 AD. Clearly on his father’s side he was a descendant of Imam Hussasin [AS], and therefore of Imam Ali [AS]. On his mother’s side interestingly enough he was descended from the first caliph Abu Bakr – his maternal grandfather was qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr, a grandson of the first caliph Abu Bakr whose legitimate exercise of the office is of course contested by Shi’i Muslims. Although it is conceded that in his actual conduct of being the caliph he acted generally speaking with propriety and honesty. But generally speaking the principle of legitimacy is viewed as having been violated by Abu Bakr. The fact that in Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] the two lineages – the lineage of Imam Ali [AS] through Imam Hussain [AS], and the lineage of Abu Bakr converge is nonetheless interesting. It shows that there were no feelings of rancour, and of mutual hostility between the two lineages, and that in turn ties in with the statement that in the circumstances of the age Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] was also in the position to enjoy respect and exert influence among Sunni and Shi’i Muslims. The first fourteen years of his life were spent in the guardianship of his grandfather Imam Ali Zain al-‘abidin, he was at an early time noted for his piety, his devotion to prayer, and insistent withdrawal from politics. After all it might be thought that in the circumstances of the age with various elements in the Shi’i movement pressing for immediate insurrection against the Umayyads that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] at an early age, a potentially tempestuous and adventurous age would let himself go in the direction of political rebellion. This however he studiously avoided. Also his maternal grandfather, although of a lesser influence upon him that his paternal grandfather Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin, had some influence on him also. In other words it is not simply a factor of geneality, his maternal grandfather, the grandson of the first caliph Abu Bakr seems also to have had some influence on him and seems to have been one of his teachers. Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr in terms of his religious specialisation was primarily a narrator of hadith, of the traditions of the Prophet [SAW]. Some of the numerous hadith that are transmitted by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] have come from his line also, in other words he transmits some hadith of the Prophet [SAW] on the authority of his paternal grandfather, although the great bulk of the traditions which are extremely numerous are transmitted through the Imami line from Imam Ali [AS]. When Imam Ali Zain al-‘Abidin died then Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq of course came under the tutelage of his own father, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] with whom he spent 23 years. In other words he spent 23 years, under the immediate guardianship and instruction of his father, and succeeded to the Imamate himself in the year 117 AH, 735 AD. He was at this time in his mid-thirties, fully mature, well trained by two preceding Imams – his grandfather and his father and enjoyed a position in some respects of great advantage that is he was resident in Madinah and the atmosphere was propicious there for ther cultivation of knowledge.

The influence of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

Madinah was one of the principle centres for the cultivation of scholarship. It’s political role had declined and had been virtually bought to an end ever since the time of Imam Ali [AS], whose caliphate began in the city of Madinah, but then in order to confront the Umayyads, to confront Muawiyah – he left Madinah and established himself in Kufah which became the capital of the Islamic realm. Imam Hassan [AS] also during his brief tenure to the caliphate also ruled from Kufah. With the triumph of the Umayyads the capital became transferred to Damascus and Syria. By way of compensation Madinah, largely freed of political turbulence became a centre for the cultivation and the transmission of knowledge. There we find two figures in particular interacting with Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], both of them founders of two Sunni schools of law – Malik ibn Anas and Abu Hanifah. In the course of time – the teachings of these two scholars, crystallised into the Maliki and Hanafi schools of law. When you speak of schools of law, it means that the method of deducing particular and specific ordinances of law from their sources as in the case of Sunni and Shi’ah Islam. The term ‘school of law’ is commonly used for Sunnis and Shi’is, or the term ‘Madhdhab’. If you look at Arabic terminology ‘madhdhab’ simply means a method of preceding or a way of preceding, a set of principles or methods for deducing the details of the law from its sources. Although of course there were originally more than four schools of law, in the course of history four schools of Sunni Law came to the forefront. Both Malik ibn Anas, and Abu Hanifah – studied with and exchanged the knowledge of hadith with Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in Madinah. Indicating a number of things – firstly the great authority and respect in which Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] was held, and secondly that the crystallisation into separate and competing positions of Sunni and Shi’ah Islam had not yet reached its logical conclusion. In the fact that Abu Hanifah and Malik ibn Anas benefited from the teaching of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] there is a certain irony in that the Hanafi school of law which takes its origins of course from the teachings of Abu Hanifah has through a variety of historical circumstances become the most hostile in terms of the Sunni Schools of law towards Shi’i Islam. Hanafi law is that for example that predominates in the Indian subcontinent where historically polemics and more recently murderous hostility against Shi’i Muslims have been a kind of staple of religious life. Abu Hanifah however was close to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], and as is seen when the caliphate was transferred from the Umayyads to the succeeding Abbasid dynasty he refused his loyalty to that dynasty and most probably was in the circumstances himself a Shi’i – when it is said that in the circumstances he was Shi’i – it is not meant that on record there is proof in a detailed fashion that he adhered precisely to all the specific doctrines now emerging as the basis of Shi’ism, what is meant is that there is clear evidence that he regarded Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], and by extension other members of the Prophet’s [SAW] lineage as more worthy of rule than either the Umayyads or the Abbasids that came to succeed them. If we were to imagine a kind of continuum on the one hand the acceptance of the caliphate of the Umayyads followed by the Abbasids, and on the other the positions of Shi’ah Islam – one would definitely position Abu Hanifah closer to the positions of Shi’i Islam in political terms than to the acceptance of the caliphate.

A related point is that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] appears in the spiritual geneology of a large number of Sufi orders. With the exception of one Sufi order all the Sufi orders trace there descent from Imam Ali [AS], this should not be taken in a literal sense in that the particular practices and doctrines associated with each of the Sufi orders were actually codified and transmitted from Imam Ali [AS] to later generations. What however can take this claim of a general evidence is the indebtedness of the Sufi order as a whole to the teachings of the Imams. When one comes to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], one finds that he is also included in the geneology of the Sufi orders. Most particularly and most ironically in the geneology of one order that does not trace its ultimate descent to Imam Ali [AS] – the Nakshabandi order. The Nakshabandi order traces its descent ultimately to the first caliph Abu Bakr and it is in this respect unique amongst all of the Sufi orders. But remarkably enough it includes in its chain of descent Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], it is difficult to be sure on what basis, maybe because of the awareness of the biological descent of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] on his mother’s side to the caliph Abu Bakr. In any case he is regarded as one link in the chain of transmission of spiritual knowledge to which the Nakshabandi Sufis lay claim. In this also there is irony in much the same way that the closeness of Abu Hanifah to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is belied by the later attitudes of Hanafis likewise Nakshabandis have been and to some extent still are in most regions of the Muslims world among the most hostilely disposed to Shi’i Muslims. But these are later developments, what needs to be retained at this point is the awareness that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] exerted influence beyond his immediate circle.

The successorship of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

The next point to consider with respect to the Imamate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is the fashion in which he confronted the various rivals for the Imamate. To some extent, the subject has been broached in the context of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]’s Imamate, because most of the movements in question began then, but now the discussion is moved on and continued. First Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah the son of Imam Ali [AS] but not from the daughter of the Prophet [SAW] Bibi Fatimah [AS], rather from another wife. His claims were promoted by a person without any biological relationship, Mukhtar Thaqafi. It seems that it was more Mukhtar rather than Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah who was energetic in pressing the claim. The movement effectively died out in the year 81 AH, 700 AD when Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah himself died. There was a certain prolongation of the movement under the auspices of those who believed that he was in a state of occultation and would return, or in the belief that he was dead and would be resurrected in advance of the general resurrection to assume power in a triumphant fashion. More than the details of this movement the principles underlying it are to be retained as important, firstly for the fact that for some people within the Shi’i community, using the word Shi’ah in its broad sense what was decisive was a descent from Imam Ali [AS]. In other words that legitimist principle of dual descent not only from Ali but also from Fatimah was disregarded. Once the principle is that the descent be from Imam Ali [AS] irrespective of the wife who bore him the son then direct descent from the Prophet [SAW] is of course excluded because it is only through Bibi Fatimah [AS] that such direct descendency can happen. The principles of succession to the Imamate had not yet been sufficiently clarified, or were not yet sufficiently know by the followers of the Shi’ah movement for this important matter to be fully recognised i.e. descendency through Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS] jointly. Secondly the impatience of many followers of the Shi’ah movement – they were not content with a quiescent expectation of better times when the power could safely be removed from usurpers and placed in the hands of the Ahl al-Bait [AS], they demanded immediate action and seemed to have regarded this as crucial, as a defining attribute of the Imamate. In other words, to view it from the point of view of what emerges as the mainstream of Shi’ism, they had failed to recognise that the possession, and exercise of political power – although was a part of the Imamate was not essential to the possession of it. They had not fully absorbed and paid attention to the centrality of knowledge, spiritual guidance, interpretation of the Qur’an as the primary function of the Imam. Thirdly, with respect to the aborted movement of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah – the messianic dimension – not simply an emphasis on immediate revolutionary action as crucial for the Imamate, but when that fails then an expectation of abnormal supernatural events which would redeem the defeat that had been suffered in the short term. The first two elements, that is to say that a belief that the Imamate may legitimately claimed by any descendant of Imam Ali [AS], and then the demand for immediate revolutionary action – these eventually fall away. But the third element that is to say the expectation of messianic events does of course, become a part, and in fact a very important part of Shi’i doctrine. By saying this it does not mean that it is a contribution of the movement of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah to the evolution of Shi’ism, one can find traces of this much earlier to some of the hadith attributed to the Prophet [SAW] himself – it is simply that with the movement of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah that this messianic motif makes its first significant appearance on the historical plain.

Then there is the movement of Zaid ibn Zain al-‘abidin, Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq’s [AS] uncle – who was in a sense senior to him, as his uncle – in age. Already he had disputed the Imamate in the lifetime of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and achieved a more lasting success than Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. He combined a number of apparently attractive features firstly he promised to satisfy the aspiration for immediate revolutionary action – going into battle against the usurpers of power in order to restore just and legitimate rule. Then on top of that he was able to get the loyalty of many people in the Shi’i movement. On the other hand also he has an appeal to persons in the Sunni community in that he regarded as authentic and permissible the caliphate of Abu bakr and Umar, who are eventually referred to in usage of the time as Shaykhayn (the two sheikhs [elders]) it is a title of respect given to the first two caliphs. These two were regarded by Zaid as worthy of respect and although Imam Ali [AS] was more deserving of the caliphate, for Zaid the exercise of the caliphate by the Shaikhain was permissible and legal precendence established by them he promised to observe. So serious undercutting by him of one of the features that had been clearly established since the time of Imam Ali [AS] i.e. a refusal to accept any of the precedence introduced by the first two caliphs – Abu Bakr and Umar. Therefore a relatively large following gathered around Zaid – both people in the Shi’i movement who were attracted by his revolutionary tendencies and people within the Sunni community who were dissatisfied with Umayyad rule for their own reasons – and appreciated Zaid’s concession with respect to the first two caliphs. Nonetheless in the year 122 AH, 740 AD – Zaid was defeated and killed in battle. This was not the end of Zaidi Shi’ism, the son of Zaid – Yahya, managed to escape and went to the remote region of eastern Iran known as Khorasan – there he continued the battle, except that three years later in 125 AH, 743 AD – he met the same fate as his father. This movement of the Zaidi branch of the Shi’i movement to Iran is significant in that its distance from the centre of the caliphate enabled it to survive for a while. Traces of Zaidi Shi’ism can be found in areas were it has completely disappeared, in the northern regions of Iran on the shores of the Caspian Sea, the region which is known as Mazandaran and the neighbouring region of Ilan. Because of the inaccessibility of these regions, Islam had been late in coming to them, they had been separated from the Iranian Plateau by high mountains and by thick forests. Interestingly enough it was Zaidi Shi’ism which the inhabitants of the area first became acquainted with. However it became there a relatively isolated and stagnant tradition and when twelver Shi’ism at a later point in history, made its way to Iran it quickly absorbed all the remnants of Zaidi Shi’ism. There is today one significant region of Zaidi Shi’ism in the Yemen, in the south western corner of the Arabian Peninsula, not Yemen as today is defined, but traditional Yemen in the corner of the Peninsula. Yemen was ruled by Imams of the Zaidi line until the 1960’s when there was a revolution inspired by Egypt and the Zaidi Imamate was bought to an end – and the last Zaidi Imam went into retirement on the south coast of Engalnd. Zaidi Shi’im as a legal school does have a degree of historical continuity and personality. In the present one can find among Yemenis – Zaidi Shi’ah – and this intermediate position between what becomes Twelver Shi’ism and Sunni Islam is retained.

The third movement with which Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq had to deal is the movement of Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah who is the great grandson of Imam Hassan. It was his movement that was new in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], the movement of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah and Zaid had begun already during the Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and they were effectively sidelined or defeated during the Imamate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah was well known for his piety, his erudition, his eloquence – and supported primarily in his claim to the Imamate by his own father. His father seems to have been more ambitious than he was himself. Once the Zaidi movement had been sidelined by the successive death of Zaid and his son Yahya, and of course Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah had been removed, then the father of Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah saw that the time was right to launch his son on the scene, as a claimant to the Imamate. With this of course there was a problem. Of course being a descendant of Imam Hassan [AS] there was a genealogical link through Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS] – therefore the difficulties that attended the claim of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah did not apply to him. In addition to that Imam Hassan [AS] was the elder brother – he was older that Imam Hussain [AS]. However Imam Hassan [AS] had himself abdicated from rule, and having himself abdicated was hardly in the position to transmit through his descendants that which he himself had foresworn. Moreover, to have supported the claim of Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah would have effectively lead to the disregarding of the entire lineage of Imam Hussain [AS], through Imam Ali Zain al-‘Abidin and to Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], let alone Imam Jaffar al-Sadiq [AS]. The picture gets murkier at this point, now we have to speak of the transfer of the caliphate from the Umayyads to the Abbasids.

The emergence of the Abbasids

The Umayyads the dynasty inaugurated by Muawiyah who had challenged the rule by Imam Ali [AS], and then had established effectively a hereditary monarchy under the name of the caliphate. Gradually however a movement of discontent and internal disintegration brings about the collapse of the Umayyad dynasty at around the middle of the 8th Century AD. The Abbasids are descendants of Abbas who was one of the uncles of the Prophet [SAW], a relatively late convert to Islam. The fact that the descendants of Abbas now came forward to claim the caliphate for themselves or to work for gaining the caliphate for themselves is explicable in a number of considerations, firstly – the Umayyad dynasty was in a state of internal disintegration the last Umayyad rulers were unable to transfer power effectively among themselves and moreover they were becoming more an more unpopular in the general Muslim community as a result of events not primarily connected with the Shi’i movement. They had for example gone so far as to attack Makkah itself, and burn the Ka’bah. Which was hardly a sign of devotion to Islam on there part. So the misdeeds of the Umayyads were mounting up and becoming less and less tolerable for a larger portion of the Muslim community. On top of that, precisely in the Hijaz in Makkah and Madinah there was a movement underway for the cultivation of scholarship particularly with regards to law. And this was partly a natural consequence of history – revelation had come to an end and it was necessary after revelation to codify and systematise the principles and the ordinances of Islamic law. But at the same time there was a stimulus to this process given by the misbehaviour of the Umayyads. In other words it was recognised that this emergent body of codified law was quite different from what the Umayyads were actually doing. So there was a pietistic as well as a political objection to the Umayyads. This encouraged the Abbasids to step forward as claimants to the caliphate. How, in positive terms did the Abbasids intend to justify their claim. Interestingly enough by tapping into the same legitimist sentiment that underlay the entirety of the Shi’i movement. They tried to in effect suggest that the key Quranic expression the family or the lineage of the Prophet [SAW] referred primarily if not exclusively to them. The term Ahl al-Bait [AS] is found in verse (33:33) of the Qur’an and is interpreted under a variety of evidence to mean the descendants of the Prophet [SAW] through Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi fatimah [AS]. The Abbasids tried to claim that they were those intended by the Quranic expression of Ahl al-Bait [AS]. Whether they believed this claim or not is open to question. It is unlikely that they did, it was more an opportunistic claim based upon general sentiment, obviously widespread in the community at that time, that legitimate rule belonged to the Ahl al-Bait [AS] to the descendants of the Prophet [SAW].

One sign of the opportunistic nature of the Abbasid claim is that initially they sought to present themselves as supporters of Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah. They came forward in support of one of the contestants for the Imamate. Gradually however they went beyond this, and claimed legitimate rule as the Ahl al-Bait [AS] for themselves. On what basis did they do this? There is an interesting correspondence between the second of the Abbasid caliphs and the now discarded Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah. After a certain point they thought themselves to be strong enough militarily and politically to discard Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah and to come out openly themselves as the ahl al-bait. The second of the Abbasid caliphs Mansur, wrote to Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah claiming to be the Ahl al-Bait. On what grounds? Because they are descended from Abbas the uncle of the Prophet [SAW], who at the time of the death of the Prophet [SAW] was the oldest surviving male relative. That being the case his lineage argued Mansur ought to be regarded as the Ahl al-Bait – that which continues from the Prophet [SAW]. As for the clear fact that the direct descent to the Prophet [SAW] came through his daughter Fatimah [AS] and the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet [SAW] Imam Ali [AS], Mansur said quite simply, ‘God has not made women like uncles, fathers and responsible people.’ In other words descent through the daughter of the Prophet [SAW] he dismisses as insignificant and invalid, rather descent he claims comes through uncles, or responsible people i.e. men. Quite apart from the politically incorrect nature of his claim there is nothing in Arabic or Islamic custom to make uncles heirs either in the narrow legal sense of the term or in the sense of political succession, it is clearly opportunistic argument.

Mansur then continues in the letter, ‘You are the children of the daughter, she is a woman who cannot become the Imam, how then could the Imamate be inherited through her.’ Mansur is therefore denying the claim to the Imamate of all the descendants of Imam Ali [AS] and Bibi Fatimah [AS] and claiming it for himself. Then he goes on to say, ‘You know after the death of the Prophet [SAW] no son of Abd al-Muttalib (the paternal grandfather of the Prophet [SAW]) remained alive other than Abbas, and therefore Abbas inherited his rights as the uncle of the Prophet [SAW].’ Then Mansur continued by saying that, ‘In pre-Islamic times we are family.’ That is to say that Abbas had a hereditary right to provide water to the pilgrims in Makkah (Siqayah) he says that his family retained this honorary position after the coming of Islam. In a later communication, Mansur makes the claim that he and his family possess greater administrative capacity than do any of the descendants of Imam Ali [AS], the same argument that had been used by the Umayyads in their confrontation with Imam Hassan [AS], they had the superior administrative capacity and that pragmatic argument should suffice that the caliphate or the Imamate be assigned to them. So there is here, ultimately, despite the circumstances of the age and the rather arbitrary claims made by the Abbasids, continuity between the Umayyads and the Abbasids. In both cases, a claim to greater administrative capacity, a thoroughly pragmatic and political claim, the legitimist claim put forward by the Abbasids being simply a form of propaganda suited to the circumstances of the time and not significantly maintained after the Abbasids had ensconced themselves in power.

There is however one significant difference between the Abbasids and the Umayyads, from the particular point of view in mind. The Umayyads in their mode of rule represented a fusion of Arab pre-Islamic tradition, and the monarchical traditions of the Byzantium, after all Damascus before the coming of Islam had been an important centre of Byzantine rule. And to a lesser extent Persian pre-Islamic models of rule. The Abbasids, although they seek to draw upon legitimist Islamic criteria become more completely than the Umayyads had been imitators of Persian models of imperial rule. Geography in part explains this, after all under the Abbasids the caliphate was transferred from Damascus, where it had been under the Umayyads to Baghdad, which was very close to the now ruined ancient capital of the Persian empire. It was not simply a question of core protocol, what you see now also, the pretension on the part of the Abbasids to enjoy some kind of direct Divine sanction. The legitimist argument was necessary during the period of transition after the collapse of the Umayyads, and then it was laid aside and the Ancient Iranian notion that the ruler is the shadow of God on earth now dilutes still further the concept and practise of the caliphate. The first caliphs (i.e. Umar and Abu Bakr) had called themselves the ‘Khalifah Rasul Allah’ that is the successor to the Message of God. Abu Bakr the first Khaliph was more completely titled ‘Khalifah Rasul Allah’, he was the successor to the message of Allah, Umar calls himself ‘Khaliphah Khaliphah Rasul Allah’ The successor to the successor of the Message of Allah. With each successive caliph the title was becoming longer, it became shortened to Khaliphah. However the innovation bough in by the Abbasids was to make a new connection with the word Khaliphah not with the Messenger, but rather with Allah. Mansur calls himself Khaliphat Allah, that is the, ‘Successor of God on eath’ i.e. a direct line of authority connects the caliph with God. A close approximation to the models of rule which existed in the pre-Islamic near east.

The quietism of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and emphasis on cultivation of knowledge

In the course of this transition from one perversion of the caliphate to another, from the Umayyads to the Abbasids, Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] despite the opportunity that was apparently presented by the insecurity and the instability of the age adhered the path of political quiescence that had already been laid out by Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] and Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. And it may be said in so doing actually preserved the Shi’i cause the institution of the Imamate far more effectively than did any of the other splinter movements the Zaidi, had a certain prolongation during the period of the Abbasid caliphs but it was not crucial and took place in remote regions. Muhammad Nafs Zakiyyah was sidelined – duped by the Abbasids, although the movement of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah had a few remnants here and there, it did not amount to very much. One can say that among other things that foresight was displayed by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in resisting the temptation felt by some members of the Shi’i community to intervene in a direct and politically straight forward fashion in the transformation that were underway. Instead what he does is to accomplish an important number of theoretical and organisational tasks. On the one hand he clarifies the principle of legitimate succession, in this he had been preceded by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], he spelt matters out more clearly. Obviously the Abbasid claim to being the Ahl al-Bait is opportunistic short lived and spurious. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] drawing on the antecedents set by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] introduced the principles of Nass – which means nomination or designation. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq makes the point that each Imams claim must be certified by Nass. Part of the problem is that although we have verses from the Qur’an, and traditions of the Prophet [SAW] which point to the institution of the Imamate, and succession to the Prophet [SAW] by Imam Ali [AS] we do not have any verses of the Qur’an or traditions from the Prophet [SAW] which specify how the Imamate is to be transferred within later generations. From the Shi’i point of view, very clearly Imam Ali [AS] was nominated by the Prophet [SAW] as his successor, and the closeness of the grandsons Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] is clear. However thereafter we cannot point to a verse of the Qur’an or a hadith which says that the succession to the Imamate should be from Imam Hussain [AS] onwards. Therefore we have the introduction or the consolidation of the principle of Nass by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and this is extremely important. He says that Nass had existed throughout the line of the Imams onwards, that is that each Imam acting in accordance with that all important quality of Ismah (inerrancy, infallibility) had with Divine Authority transferred the Imamate to a successor by means of explicit designation. He said that this was the case with the designation of the first Imam – Imam Ali [AS] by the Prophet [SAW] and then successively to Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] Imam Zain al-‘Abidin [AS] Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and finally Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] himself. The question arises that whether or not the designation was written, in some cases it can have been written – this is not however crucial, what is crucial is that is should be a witnessed designation, even if it is oral and there is no document of succession which can be exhibited to the claim for the Imamate, still it must have been witnessed by a significant number of reliable people. In other words it is not enough for someone to come forwards on the basis of simply on a one on one meeting with the preceding Imam, to say that I was designated by the Imam – it has to be witnessed. Here Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] refers to that incident that happened in the very last hours of the life of the Prophet [SAW], when he called for ink and a pen to be bought. There is unanimity that that the Prophet [SAW] was unlettered, but from this it can be deduced that he wished to dictate something. Whereupon Umar said that the Prophet [SAW] is now in a state of delirium, therefore do not bring the pen and paper. Given the particular unpopularity of Umar from the point of view of Shi’i traditions for reasons that have been reviewed, the authenticity of this story might at first sight be doubted, because the undeniable implication is that Umar at a very sensitive point in the life of the Prophet [SAW] prevented him from having his last wished and words dictated – however this story is to be found in all reliable histories both Sunni and Shiah. Since Umar prevented writing implements to be bought into the presence of the Prophet [SAW] then there is no way of knowing that which he would have dictated. But of course the relevance of this incident the occurrence of which is indisputable to the claim of Nass is clear enough – that it was the wish or intention of the Prophet [SAW] on this occasion to have nominated Imam Ali [AS] as successor by way of Nass and through a written way. But as it were, there was a witnessed designation, and that is the designation that took place at Ghadir Khum. In any event, the doctrine of Nass already put forward by Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] is spelled out in considerable detail by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] – looking back in the history of the Imamate, he discerns elements of transmission already having taken place.

Going together with the emphasis on Nass, is a re-assertion of the centrality of knowledge to the function of the Imam. If power is not being contested by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] – if on the one hand he rejects and does not associate himself with the various insurrectionary exercises, and on the other does not attempt to take advantage of the transitional instability between the Umayyads and the Abbasids – if not purely for political reasons but because of a growing emphasis on knowledge. It is easy to find indications of the centrality of knowledge to the Imamate very much earlier. If you look at the sermons given by Imam Ali [AS] gathered together in the Nahj al-Balaghah in the pronouncements of the correspondence with Imam Hassan [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] – it is already present. Here too Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is not doing something which is new and unprecedented but rather bringing something forward and giving it greater emphasis and creating a clearer principle. That which is transmitted by way of Nass, is indeed the Imamate – not simply as a title and an office the Imamate as access to a particular body of knowledge. Here we may refer back specifically to that hadith of the Prophet in which he says, ‘I am the city of knowledge and Ali [AS] is its gate’ – that body of knowledge referred to by the Prophet [SAW] there. To Which access is had exclusively through Imam Ali [AS] is transmitted by way of Nass from one Imam to the next. How does this transmission take place, it should not be imagined that it is by way of formal instruction – it is a mode of transmission that bypasses or transcends normal rational processes of acquired learning. In a way reminiscient of receipt of revelation which does not involve intellectual exertion on the part of the Prophet [SAW], likewise without the exertion of intellectual effort, on the part of the Imam – that body of unique knowledge is transmitted to him by way of the Nass. So this knowledge is transmitted. Also certain books held to have been in the possession of Fatimah [AS] and Imam Ali [AS] are transmitted by the Imam [AS] to his successor – here what is being dealt with are identifiable material objects – books.

This is connected with the theme of ‘ilm, with a particular body of knowledge, but nonetheless distinct from it. It is said that in the possession of Bibi fatimah [AS] there had been a collection of books – the Mushaf Fatimah [AS]. The word Mushaf simply means a collection of sheets, gathered together in the form of a book. Mushaf is the word also used for a copy of the Quran, a written or printed copy of the Quran. The word Mushaf is used for the Quran because from a theological point of view the Quran is a copy and not the actual Quran itself, identifiable with the Quran itself. And this usage of the word Mushaf has given rise to ambiguity  and misunderstanding, when it is said in Shi’ah tradition that Bibi Fatimah [AS] had in her possession Mushaf it does not mean that she had received a separate revelation akin to the Qur’an – it means that in her possession was indeed a book collection of leaves distinct from the Qur’an, containing detailed prescriptions of Islamic law and the prediction of future events. This book was passed on by her, to the line of the Imams [AS], as part of that which constitutes the essence of the Imamate. Likewise materially and not metaphorically is the inheritance by way of nass of the weapons of the Prophet [SAW], and of Imam Ali [AS] – swords and other weapons used by the Prophet [SAW] and Imam Ali [AS] in battle. The significance of this is very clear, it may be interpreted as a hint that although the essence of the Imamate for the indefinite future its principle function is the transmission of knowledge and the provision of spiritual guidance still the claim to exclusive legitimate authority remains – and with that claim remains also the right to be vindicated to force and military action. Therefore both the book as the symbol of knowledge and the weapon, the sword as the symbol of ultimate truth and indication of the legitimist cause – both of these form that which is inherited by the Imam [AS] and passed on.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 11

Synopsis

-Nass and 'Ilm in the successorship of the Imams [AS]
-The Categories of knowledge of the Imam [AS]
-Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and the transmission of Hadith
-Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq's [AS] role as the eponym of Shi'ah fiqh and in the crystallisation of the Shi'i School of Law
-Alchemy and the science of letters ('Ilm al-huruf)
-The doctrine of taqiyyah
-The claimants to the Imamate after the death of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

Recap

Last time looked at Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] the sixth of the twelve Holy Imams [AS]. His accomplishments in general and then with particular regards to the development of Shi’ism. Broke off with the consideration of the doctrine of Nass – the insistence that each Imam [AS] must have been nominated by his predecessor – in a witnessed nomination and preferably set down in writing. This process was retrospectively claimed by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to have occurred with each of the Imams [AS], and if in the case of Imam Ali [AS] the First Imam [AS] this had not occurred then it is because of the denial of the request of the Prophet [SAW] on his deathbed that writing implements be brought forth in his presence. It may be assumed or it is assumed by Shi’i authors for him to dictate once again his intentions for Ali [AS] to succeed him as the Imam [AS].

Nass and 'Ilm

None of the other contemporary claimants to the Imamate may advance similar claims. That is none of them claimed to have been nominated by a predecessor. This therefore enabled Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to stand out from the majority of other claimants. The other claimants lay emphasis upon a more general consent dispensed from the now departed Imam [AS], and upon the necessity as they saw it of immediate insurrectionary action. Those two factors constituted their claim to the imamate. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] by contrast introduced the principle of Nass as being decisive, of far greater importance than taking immediate revolutionary action. Going closely together with the principle of Nass is the reaffirmation of knowledge as central to the function and definition of the Imamate. This is as already mentioned – one of the traditions that is cited by Shi’i Muslims since the birth of the doctrine of the Imamate and the successorship of Imam Ali [AS] - is that in which the Prophet [SAW] is reported to have said:-

‘I am the city of Knowledge and Ali is it’s gate’

In other words by means of Imam Ali [AS] and by implication his successors access is uniquely to be had of a special body of knowledge transmitted from the Prophet [SAW]. This emphasis on knowledge is quite essential and definitive for the Imamate and also tends to undercut the claims of rivals, who made no such similar claim to having an inherited body of knowledge and who also did not manifest the same erudition and versatile talent in learning and teaching as Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. These two key principles Nass and ‘Ilm are implicit in one of the traditions coming from the Prophet [SAW] on which he laid heavy emphasis. The tradition has been cited at the very beginning of these set of lectures the Prophet [SAW] was reported to have said:-

‘Whomsoever dies and does not recognise the Imam [AS] of his time has died as if he died in the period of ignorance.’

The period of ignorance is of course the period before the coming of Islam in which the Arabs of the Arabian Peninsula were deprived of revealed religions. Why is this particularly significant in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and how is it connected to these two key principles of Nass and ‘Ilm? Firstly one may say that all that this Hadith calls for if you look at it closely and analyse it’s wording is a recognition of the Imam [AS], not coming forth in insurrection not espousing openly the claim of the Imam [AS] to legitimate political rule but simply recognising him, the knowledge of the Imam [AS] – this is seen as key. Why should the knowledge of the Imam [AS], the recognition of the Imam [AS] be decisive for salvation and for dying in a state of true Islam, because precisely of our second principle of knowledge. In other words to recognise the Imam [AS], to recognise who is the Imam [AS] of the age the heir in one’s own period to the knowledge of the Prophet [SAW] and to act accordingly this is enough for dying as a Muslim. This hadith placed the context of the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] undercuts both the insurrectionary tendency of other claimants to the Imamate by laying stress on simply the recognition of the Imam [AS] and secondly it reemphasises the essentiality of the Imam [AS] to a correct knowledge and therefore practise of Islam. Therefore this hadith although pre-existing and attributed reliably to the Prophet [SAW] receives renewed emphasis with these implications in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS].

Types of knowledge of the Imam [AS]

As for the details of the knowledge – what precisely constitutes the knowledge? This has been touched upon in general terms. One can divide the knowledge of the Imams [AS] or of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in particular into two – an exoteric knowledge and an esoteric knowledge. The esoteric knowledge (the inward knowledge) is that which is peculiar to the Imams themselves and is not revealed by them. This goes back to their inheriting a series of books which although not revelation, in other words not revealed by the Quran – contain within themselves a particular body of knowledge which is peculiar to the Imams [AS] and not revealed by them. Primary among these texts as already referred to is the Mushaf of Bibi Fatima [AS] which is said to be a scroll three times longer than the Quran itself containing a detailed prediction of future events and also regulation pertaining to what is permissible and what is impermissible, the halal and the haram. As for the origin of this book it was said that it was sent to Bibi Fatima [AS] after the death of her father the Prophet [SAW] as some kind of consolation to her and then transmitted as a book in other words in tangible form from one Imam [AS] to the next. It is said that as part of the material possessions of the Imamate it has also gone into occultation with the Imam [AS] [the 12th Imam [AS]]. When he returns then the books will also be returned and presumeably their contents will be revealed. Also amongst the books attributed to the Imams [AS] forming part of their special knowledge is another book called quite simply al-Jami’ah – the comprehensive i.e. it includes within itself a variety of necessary matters. It is said to have been dictated by the Prophet [SAW] to Imam Ali [AS] and to contain with it detailed judgments on legal matters. So here we are dealing with two texts which have no visible sign but which have tangible reality.

Again in the province of what might be called reserve esoteric knowledge – is knowledge of what is called the supreme name of God ‘al-‘Ism al-A’adham’. The Supreme Name of God is a subject of speculation amongst all segments of the Muslim community. We find a great deal of speculation being given to this topic above all by the Sufis. What is meant by the Supreme Name? Not any of the well known names not even the name Allah (SWT) which is held to be coterminous with the Divine Essence, the name of the Divine Essence - it contains within itself within the implicit form all of the other names and attributes – but rather a name other than that. It is s Supreme Name – it is a name above all other names including even according to most understandings the name Allah (SWT) itself. A name that transcends all verbal and phonetic forms. It is a name that does not exist as a word. The knowledge of this name is not simply a question of intellectual perception or of theological insight because knowledge of the name it is held implies in turn a knowledge and a precise understanding of the entirety of creation. Which makes sense in that all of the Divine Names are correlated with different aspects of creation. All of the names are manifested in different aspects of creation. Therefore the Supreme Name ‘al-‘Ism al-A’adham’ by definition must embrace the entirety of creation, and be the key to the knowledge and understanding of the entirety of creation in detail not in the general form, not in terms of universals but in terms of particulars. And this name it is held is also part of that knowledge that is exclusive to and transmitted by the Imams [AS] from one to the other. Although al-‘Ism al’A’adham might appear to be the ultimate name beyond which there is no other name there is in fact in Shi’i terminology yet another name beyond even the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] themselves this is known as ‘al-ism al-musta’atham’ which can be roughly translated as the reserved name by this it is meant the Name the knowledge of which is reserved by Allah (SWT) for Himself, He does not communicate it to even the Prophets or the Imams [AS]. In keeping with the principle that ultimately only Allah (SWT) knows Himself, only He knows Himself in a comprehensive and all-embracing fashion. There is therefore beyond al-Ism al ‘A’adham – al-‘Ism al-Musta’atham the reserved name. Although mentioned in this context, this is not part of the knowledge of the Imam [AS] i.e. the esoteric knowledge inherited and transmitted by the Imam [AS] and the Prophet [SAW]. But the existence of this Name, the fact that there is a Name reserved by Allah (SWT) to Himself, i.e. that there is that about Allah (SWT) that is ultimately only knowable to Him this is indeed part of the teachings of Shia Islam and does not have and does not have a precise analogue in the teachings of Sunni Islam including Sufism.

Finally in what might be called the esoteric knowledge in the religious sphere of the Imams [AS] – the esoteric interpretation of the Quran. At the very outset it has been tried to emphasise the relationship between the Imams [AS] and the Quran. There is that hadith of the Prophet [SAW] attested in both Sunni and Shia sources:-

‘I (the Prophet [SAW]) will leave you two entities of great value one of which is the Quran and the other of which is my Descendants’

That hadith of course in itself implies a connection, in fact the Prophet [SAW] says that they shall not separate from each other until the hereafter. One way in which the Quran and the lineage of the Prophet [SAW] is connected is through the discipline of ta’wil. In order to explain what is involved in this there are two words used for the exegesis of the Quran – tafsir and ta’wil. Tafsir means laying out in detail – the lexical meaning, the original meaning, means to lay out in detail. In other words when there is a matter in the Quran which requires detailed explanation this is the task of tafsir. For example if it is useful to know the occasion of particular circumstances under which a verse of the Quran was revealed then this is the task of tafsir, if there was an unusual word occurring in a verse of the Quran or a familiar word used in an unfamiliar sense again this is the task of tafsir. However what is involved in ta’wil is something different. Ta’wil is connected with the root Awwal ‘first’ – therefore Ta’wil is a movement towards that which is first or primary. In other words the outer sense of the verse is viewed as technically that which is first or primary to which the exegete leads us back to the inner sense. To put it more succinctly and clearly ta’wil is the interiorising or esoteric interpretation of the Quran. A movement away from the outer sense of the verses which is held to be secondary although it is that which we first encounter when we read the Quran. So ta’wil presupposes a duality between Zahir and Batin between outer sense of the Quran and inner senses. There is an important clarification to be made here when speaking of the outer and inner senses of the Quran in the tradition of Shi’i exegesis. It should not be imagined that the outer meaning of the Quran is as it were simply a kind of metaphor which is then dissolved and loses it’s validity once one understands the inner meaning. For example when there is a clearly legislative verse of the Quran enjoining any of the basic acts of worship then indeed the verse means what it says – in fact in all cases the verse means what it says. The inner meaning is not one that dissolves or contradicts the outer meaning – it is an additional meaning. A meaning that is elucidated or elicited from a careful consideration of the verse and that which it implies. This is an important distinction to make because sometimes the word ta’wil in the usage of other schools of thought and traditions in Islam does have that sense. And particularly the Ismaili offshoot to Shi’ism to which it will be necessary to refer however briefly does engage in that kind of ta’wil. That is to say it dissolves the clear outer meaning of verses in favour of what is presumed to be the true inner meaning. So for example verses concerning pilgrimage are in the Ismaili understanding of things, are dissolved they lose all their legislative clarity and definition and become an injunction to some inward imaginary movement in the direction of the Divine Presence, not the clear injunction to make an actual journey to an actual structure, regarding an actual city – Makkah.

The outer and inner meaning are both valid, simply however they refer to different levels of understanding. It is owed to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] precisely a delineation of four separate levels of Quranic meaning. Ibara – the outward global meaning, a meaning that is accessible to anyone who has a knowledge of the Arabic language and the general modes of expression of the Quran, Then beyond that we have the Ishara which literally means the indication or the allusion i.e.that which is implicated by the outer verbal meaning but lies at one step of interiorisation. Then there is latifah – subtlety that which lies at a greater distance from the Ibarah then the haqiqah which in this context means the ultimate truth or the ultimate essence of meaning which is contained in each ayah of the Quran. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] had delineated these four separate categories of meaning. The Haqiqah is that knowledge which is accessible only to the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS], in other words the Ma’sumin – this is logical enough when thought through if the premise is accepted that the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] are Ma’sum – protected of all error of judgment or of act, they will therefore have access to that ultimate truth contained within each verse.

In addition to delineating these four categories, or four layers of meaning Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is reliably reported to have written a commentary on the Quran. However no complete text of this commentary survived, fragments of it are preserved in a number of Quran commentaries not only those written by Shi’i authors but also significantly enough a number of the earliest Sufi commentaries upon the Quran also contain extracts from the commentary of the Imam [AS]. For example if you look at the tafsir of Qushairi (lata’if al-isharah), it is relatively brief, written in an attractive an eloquent language contains extensive interpretation from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Therefore with respect to the radiation of his knowledge beyond the Shi’ah community narrowly defined we find that he plays an important part in the origins of Sufi commentary upon the Quran. These are some aspects of the inner knowledge of the Imam [AS] as exemplified and asserted by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS].

Transmission of Hadith

If one turns to the outer knowledge – the more familiar accessible forms of knowledge then in the first place one could mention ahadith that is to say ‘traditions’. Hadith in the first place of course means the traditions of the Prophet [SAW] but it must be remembered that in the usage of Shi’ah Islam precisely because the Imams are Ma’asum the word hadith is applied to the sayings and traditions of the Imams [AS] themselves. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is important from the point of view of hadith in two ways because firstly he himself transmitted hadith from others. In the first place from his father Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. And of course the hadith transmitted from Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] are in turn in part traditions transmitted from the entire line of the Imams [AS] leading back to the Prophet [SAW]. In addition to that we know that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in Madinah, Madinah at that time although being on the fringes of political history was an important centre of learning, in addition to that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] transmitted hadith from a large number of hadith authorities that were living in Madinah at that time including those who one would classify as Sunni as well as shi’i. According to one account Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] transmitted hadith from more than 4000 people a figure that might appear to be excessive or exaggerated but is within the realms of possibility given the fact that this was for both the nascent Shi’i community and the broader Sunni community a period of intense activity in the collection and codification of hadith. In fact one finds traditions from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], that is to say traditions that he had received from others and in turn transmitted to the hadith scholars of his time – one finds them in all the six books of Sunni tradition. Sunni Islam has six collections of traditions from the Prophet [SAW] which are regarded as having a high degree of authority and authenticity. Traditions from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] are to be found in all six of these books with one exception the Sahih al-Bukhari which is regarded by Sunni Muslims as the foremost of all the collections of Prophetic traditions. The question arises that why amongst all the six books there should be no hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in the Sahih al-Bukhari, it cannot be that Bukhari regarded the traditions as in and amongst themselves unacceptable because we do find a significant number of hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in another collection of Bukhari ‘Al Adab Al Mufrad’. This book is shorter than the Sahih but also compiled by Bukhari. It can be said therefore that although Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq’s [AS] hadith are absent from Sahih al-Bukhari still Bukhari did regard him as an authoritative transmitter of hadith. More importantly possibly than his transmission of hadith was the fact that his own pronouncements, which of course count from the Shi’i point of view as hadith constitute the great bulk of traditions found in the Shi’i books. A precise statistic is not known but it is certain that there are more hadith narrated in Shi’i tradition from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq than from any of his predecessors in the line of the Imams [AS] and more than from the Prophet [SAW] himself. When it is said that there are more hadith transmitted from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] than even from the Prophet [SAW] it is important to bear the following in mind, that very frequently Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] says that my ancestor says such and such. In other words my ancestor the Prophet [SAW] said such and such. This counts however as a tradition of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] because there is no chain of transmission leading back from him to the Prophet [SAW] – no specified explicit chain of transmission leading back to the Prophet [SAW]. And this from the Shi’i point of view is not necessary precisely again because of the principle of ‘Ismah. That if an Imam [AS] says that my ancestor the Prophet [SAW] said such and such then because the Imam [AS] is ma’sum – he is Divinely protected against error then certainly this is the case, there is no need for the procedure of establishing a chain of transmission and examining it’s reliability. So there are a very large number of hadith transmitted from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. The fact that there is this numerical preponderance of his hadith in Shi’i tradition is in part due to the relative length of his Imamate. He exercised the Imamate for longer than any of the other 12 Imams [AS]. It can added to that also his own personal inclination to learning the time and place in which he was living, Madinah in this particular period and it was easy to understand why this should be the case.

Jurisprudence and the crystallisation of the schools of law

Closely linked to the cultivation of hadith at this time was the discipline of jurisprudence (fiqh). This linkage between hadith and fiqh is again a phenomenon shared by Sunni and Shi’i Islam, one sees that with the two apparently opposed processes underway at the time. On the one hand a gradual separation between Shi’is and the rest of the community through the formation of distinct schools of law, jurisprudence and so forth but on the other hand a similarity even a parallelism in the processes by which the religious sciences are formed. One can say that for both Sunnis and Shi’is and even now the words are a little anachronistic because the full formation of these two groups has not yet taken place, there is a linkage between the two. Why, because – whether you conceive of it in the narrow sense espoused by Sunnis i.e. the hadith of the Prophet [SAW] or in the broader sense the hadith of the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] provides the essential material for elaborating Islamic Law. The Quran by itself of course it has it’s legislative verses, those legislative verses are not enough by themselves to constitute the basis of a fully fledged legal system. And more overly interpretation of those verses is in many cases dependent on elaboration, clarification by hadith, again the hadith of the Prophet [SAW] and/or the hadith of the Imams [AS]. And therefore one finds going together in this period the formation of the schools of law and the codification of the body of hadith. This is a phenomenon to be encountered both among Sunnis and amongst Shi’ahs. It is therefore easily explicable that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] should stand at the origin of Shi’i jurisprudence, Shi’i fiqh - as it’s eponym. This is not to say of course that distinct legal provisions setting apart Shi’i tradition from what was becoming Sunni tradition did not exist beforehand, particularly as the immediate predecessor Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], as has been suggested had distinctive positions on some legal questions. This important development was taken further by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to the extent that Shi’i Islam in it’s legal dimension became known after him as the Ja’ffari Madhdhab. Therefore He [AS] stood at the origin of the Ja’fari School of law and at the same time contributed to the Hanafi School of law through his contacts with Imam Abu Hanifah.

On this question of law the crystallisation of the school of law clearly depends not only on detailed provisions it must also include the clarification of a certain methodology, this is at least as important as the detailed provisions which in some cases relate to minor and peripheral matters. And with respect to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] it is important to note that together with emphasis on the authority of the Imam [AS] for all of the reasons that have been mentioned he encouraged and in fact demanded of his followers that they also engage in mental exertion in order to clarify the law. For example one of his important hadith in this respect is the following he said:-

‘it is our (the Imam’s [AS]) concern  to put forward the principles and it is your task to extract from them the branches.’

The ‘you’ that he is addressing here are certain of his learned companions. It is important to understand that on the one hand certainly the Imam [AS] in law and in virtually every other area has indeed supreme authority because of the reasons that are mentioned. However this should not be taken to mean that acceptance of the authority of the Imam [AS] excludes recourse to rational thought and deduction on the contrary even in the field of law as can be seen by this pronouncement by Imam Jaffar al-Sadiq [AS], the Imam [AS] not simply authorizes but demands of his followers that they exert themselves in order to deduce rulings from general principles. We know also that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] institutionalized the appointment of Muftis. Mufti means one who gives a fatwa that is to say a judgment on a matter of religious law. And from the earliest times in other words from the Imamate of Imam Ali [AS] we know that the Imams [AS] appointed, persons who under their overall authority were permitted to issue judgments on matters of law. Of course the institution of the Mufti and of giving fatwahs as we know from recent times from people in caves in Afghanistan issuing very curious fatwahs, the phenomenon of the Fatwah and the Mufti is a widespread one but it’s particular significance in the evolution of Shi’ah Islam is the following – firstly that the process of issuing a fatwah presupposes mental acuity and knowledge of the relevant texts and sources. In other words the appointment of Muftis – persons to give fatwahs by Imam Ali [AS] and his successors among the Imams [AS] is in itself an indication that within the Shi’i school of law from the outset there was a heavy emphasis upon the responsible use of reasoning going together with acceptance of the overall authority of the Imam [AS]. The second point that is worth mentioning that is particularly relevant to Shi’ism is that the Imams [AS] as we have seen lacked access to their immediate following apparently of course because of the primitiveness of communication but increasingly also because of the pressures to which they were subject. It will be seen in fact that there was a considerable degree of the devolution of authority from the Imam [AS] to his appointed nominees in a number of areas. This tendency grows from the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] onwards when the later Imams [AS] become subject to pressure and isolation and house imprisonment by the Abbasid Caliphs. This circumstance which was imposed by necessity had it’s root also in the earlier period when we see that the Imams [AS] did indeed appoint people to give fatwahs and fulfill other functions. Whilst on this topic that is to say the encouragement of rational reflection with recourse to reason it may also be pointed out that the period of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] was one in which the origins of Kalam in Shi’ism are to be found. Kalam can be translated as theology although the word theology in the English language has become somewhat vague any kind of academic scholary concerned with religious matters gets incorporated under the heading of theology in present day English usage. What is meant by Kalam is the rational coherent exposition of the religious doctrine - taking the doctrines to be true in the first place but vindicating them in terms of religious argument and truth, addressing important problems such as for example free will versus predestination, how are these harassing puzzling problems to be addressed, the status of the sinner – in other words may the sinner be accounted a Muslim in good standing, what is his status within the community, how is to be understood the multiplicity of Divine Names to Divine Attributes contained in the Quran, how is that multiplicity of Divine Names to be reconciled with the Unity of the Divine Essence – matters of this nature are discussed in Kalam. One finds an intense cultivation of kalam throughout the entirety of the Muslim community in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and specifically within the Shi’i community these questions are under discussion also. Some of the same authorities that under the overall supervision of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] are active in the areas of jurisprudence are also active in the area of Kalam – that is to say the organised rational discussion of religious doctrines. These are some of the ways in which the particular knowledge of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] manifested itself. These have been classified and categorised in the lecture – inner esoteric matters, which remain exclusively within the preserve of the Imam [AS] and others that are a function of their guidance and activity within the community.

Alchemy and the science of letters ('Ilm al-huruf)

There is a third category of knowledge that should at least be mentioned here. The origin of certain occult sciences within the Islamic sphere is also ascribed to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. By occult here it is meant something other than inward. The clearest example of what is meant here is Alchemy. Alchemy is the transmutation of base metals into gold, it did have a fairly long life in Islamic civilization and of course it existed before Islam and had something of a cultivation within Islam also. The most important of the early Islamic Alchemists Jabbir Ibn Hayyan is said to have been a follower and an intimate of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Whether or not this is the case is a little hazy in the same way that the discipline of alchemy itself you might regard as a little hazy but there is a particular understanding of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq’s [AS] knowledge as being so complete as to embrace also this recondite topic, it should be said in kind of hesitant tentative defense, alchemy under some interpretations, the science is conceived of as not in the first place as the transmutation of base metals into gold but a moral and spiritual purification of the heart which in it’s unredeemed state is analogous with the base metals into the pure gold of moral purity and into deeper awareness of God. It is said the outer process is simply seen to be the support of the manifestation of the inner process of moral, spiritual purification. Along the same lines somewhat more reliably – Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is said to have originated the science of the letters. By which of course it is meant the letters of the Arabic Alphabet – to them is ascribed a numerical value and also a particular symbolic significance. The science of the letters is of course sometimes taken to greater extremes both within marginally Shi’i movements and in movements that are to be ascribed more to Sufism. The point underlying ‘Ilm al-Huruf (The science of letters) is that the Quran as the Divine word is not simply in it’s meaning and in it’s sound but also in the very letters which put the Divine message onto paper – Divine. In other words the letters themselves have a significance beyond being phonetic markers. That being the case the letters maybe examined for that inward meaning that they possibly can convey.

The doctrine of Taqiyyah

One more thing still to be said on the knowledge – there is one further important matter with respect to the contribution of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to be mentioned that is the doctrine of Taqiyyah – for which must be used a rather cumbersome translation of prudential dissimulation. Dissimulation that is to say hiding the truth, or at least refraining from it’s open pronouncement and prudential that is for reasons of prudent concern. The principle of taqiyyah in it’s basic sense means the concealment of ones allegiance to the Imams [AS] under conditions that will produce either danger to oneself, to the Shi’i community or most important of all to the Imam [AS] himself. It has to be understood that the position of the Imams [AS] even after their choice of political quietism from the time of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] onwards was fraught with danger insofar as the caliphs recognized that the Imams [AS] if followed by a sufficient number of people, having a large following devoted to them might indeed constitute an insurrectionary danger and therefore the fewer followers that an Imam [AS] might appear to have the safer will be his position or the position of the institution of the Imamate with respect to the caliph and therefore there was a pragmatic reason for concealing the number of followers. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] went as far as to say that:-

‘Taqiyyah is the religion of my forefathers, whoever has not taqiyyah has no religion’

In other words he is emphasizing here that taqiyyah is not something that he has arbitrarily introduced, but something rather that was present from the time of Imam Ali [AS] onwards. In fact retrospectively one of the uses of taqiyyah is to explain how Imam Ali [AS] despite the proclamation of successorship by the Prophet did not come forward during the caliphate of the first three caliphs to claim the Imamate, retrospectively it can be said that this is by way of taqiyyah. When I say retrospectively I don’t mean that this is a false explanation of events but rather that the term itself was not used by Imam Ali [AS]. ‘…and whoever has no taqiyyah has no religion.’ – this does not mean to say that whoever does not recognize or practice the principle of taqiyyah is to be dismissed as a non-Muslim rather what is meant here is a strong emphasis upon the necessity of taqiyyah under the circumstances under which the Imams and their followers were exposed. In fact one can say that through emphasizing the necessity of taqiyyah Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] prepared the Shi’i community for the trials for which it was to be subject in the time of the Abbasids when the relative freedom under which he had operated was severely curtailed and intense persecutions of the followers of the Imams [AS] that succeeded each other. And of course the necessity of taqiyyah one can say relates to later times also it is not simply related to the lifetimes of the Imams [AS] when the persons of the Imams [AS] might be endangered by the realization that they had a large and potentially rebellious following. It is a legitimate application of taqiyyah to conceal one’s identity as a Shi’ah Muslim under circumstances when disclosing it might lead to death or to persecution. Unfortunately we have contemporary examples of such circumstances – one example is in the country of Malaysia which on the face of it appears to be a laid back and easy going country in fact has a law which prohibits the practise of Shi’ism and makes it an illegal offence, and in fact people have been jailed and lost their jobs because of the profession of Shi’ism. Therefore it does have an ongoing applicability. But polemically it is sometimes said by those who are intent on the wholesale rejection of Shi’ism that taqiyyah is a license to as it were lie on the part of the Shi’ah. One of the most famous polemical items is of course the claim that Shi’ah Muslims regard Imam Ali [AS] as superior to the Prophet [SAW]. This is indeed a belief that has been held by marginal groups in Islamic history a position however that has been thoroughly refuted by the Imams [AS] themselves, however you readily find it being excavated and attributed to Twelver Shi’I Muslims by some of their opponents. The argument goes that when the claim is refuted then the opponents say that how can we believe you because you may be practicing taqiyyah – this is not a question of taqiyyah because taqiyyah relates only to those particular circumstances that have been mentioned. Moreover although the word taqiyyah does not occur in the Quran it does have a certain Quranic basis in (16:106)

‘He who disbelieves in Allah after his having believed, not he who is compelled while his heart is at rest on account of faith, but he who opens (his) breast to disbelief-- on these is the wrath of Allah, and they shall have a grievous chastisement.’ (16:106)

This verse deals with those who effectively have apostasised. If under the pressure of persecution a verbal disavowal of Islam is made on condition that one’s heart remains true to the faith then this is a permissible course of action. These therefore are the important dimensions of the theoretical and practical contributions of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. He died in 148 AH, 765 AD it is widely claimed that he was poisoned by the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur and he was buried in the cemetery next to the Prophet’s [SAW] Mosque in Madinah. In other words in that same location where his predecessors had been buried. Imam Ali [AS] was buried in Najaf, Imam Hassan [AS] – Madinah, Imam Hussain – Kerbala, Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] in Madinah, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] in Madinah. This graveyard in Madinah held the tombs of the Imams [AS] as well as the tombs of a large number of other personalities from the earliest history of Islam. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is the last of the Imams [AS] to be buried in Madinah, afterwards as it shall be seen the Imams [AS] through no choice of their own were forced to relocate to Iraq and are therefore buried at various locations in Iraq. As for the tombs of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and his predecessors amongst the Imams [AS] as well as other early personalities of Islam these were destroyed by the Wahhabis when the conquered Madinah on the foundation of the Saudi Kingdom in 1925 and so that today although one knows approximately where they are buried there is no visible sign of their tombs there is simply an empty lot because of the Wahhabi superstition that the gravestones are somehow an invitation to idolatry they destroyed them all in keeping with their general destructive mentality.

Claimants to the Imamate after the death of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

Despite the care that had been taken by Imam Jaffar al-Sadiq [AS] in clarifying the principle of Nass as the basis for succession we see that on his passing a division of opinion takes place within the community and in fact this is a phenomenon that to a greater or lesser degree that accompanies each Imam [AS] from one succession to another. In order not to increase the complexity not all of the divisions have been mentioned. Not all of the divisions are important and those who espouse other claimants virtually fade into history. But by way of illustration of ongoing complexity even after Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] establishes Nass as the basic principle of succession the varying ideas will be put forward that existed after his death in 148 AH. One group among the Shia had said that Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] had not in fact died that he was in a state of concealment and would return. This theme is a popular one from earlier times it made it’s first appearance in the movement of Mukhtar and his candidate for the Imamate Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah. It was said then that the Imam [AS] who had been killed in battle had not really been killed he was simply in a state of concealment and would return. Then another group said that Imam Jaffar al-Sadiq [AS] had indeed died and that he had died without having appointed a successor and that he was the last of the Imams [AS] and this is an option that is espoused subsequently on other occasions also. In saying this there is of course a problem from the point of view of Shi’i doctrine since Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] had described the Imam [AS] as the proof of God upon Earth and said that the earth would never be empty of a proof. The word proof here or evidence – Hujjah. What is meant here by designating the Imam [AS] as a hujjah? That his existence is a proof of the Divine Will to guide men. Alternatively if someone in the hereafter says that I was unaware of Divine Guidance or the necessity of following the Divine Guidance then the existence of the Imam [AS] will be advanced against him as an evidence as a proof of his guilt. There are other dimensions to the doctrine but what is crucial here is that, ‘The earth will never be without a Hujjah’. This being the case to assert that any of the Imams [AS] is the last of them with exception of course to the 12th [AS] to who special considerations apply - merely negates the whole logic of Shi’ism. Then a third group after the death of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] recognised as Imam a certain Abdallah al-Aftah – Al-Aftah meaning either flat headed or flat footed so since given the frequency of Abdallah as a name, it might have been gathered that to fix upon this physical peculiarity of his would specify him. He outlived Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and was in fact the eldest surviving son and as such gathered a certain following around him but he died before long. Those that had followed him split three ways, there is no need to go into details but the complexity of the situation is being exemplified – some followed Imam Musa al-Kadim [AS]  the 7th Imam [AS], some said not surprisingly that Abdallah had not died and that he was living in concealment and that he would return and others that he had a son but nobody knew quite where he was, but that son if he could be found would count as the legitimate Imam. Then most significantly we have those who grew gradually into the movement known as the Ismaili movement and important offshoot of Shi’ism. In his own lifetime Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is generally recounted to have named his eldest son Ismail as his successor – however Ismail predeceased his father. However there were those who held that since Ismail had been nominated as the successor the Imamate in his absence passed to his son – Muhammad - Muhammad the son of Ismail the son of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. In other words according to the views of this group there was a passage of the Imamate from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to his grandson Muhammad ibn Ismail even though his son that had been nominated had died in the meantime. This groups that believed in the claim of Ismail persisted in Islamic history down to the present day, Ismaili Shi’ism is still with us in a variety of different forms and guises and in fact has an extremely complex history. The belief that the Imamate passed from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to Ismail then from him to his son Muhammad – it is important to draw attention to this not only because Ismailism has proved a lasting although by now a peripheral phenomenon in Islamic history also because of the theological issues it raises. If Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] nominated his son Ismail even though that son predeceased him and therefore never lived to exercise the Imamate how is this compatible with the quality of ‘Ismah – the quality of inerrancy. In other words did not Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] know that his elder son was going to die before him and therefore to nominate him as the Imam was simply pointless. So here the question of succession touches also upon one of the important attributes of the Imamate. There are basically two routes for answering this question one of which relates to the knowledge of the unseen, to know when a certain person is going to die is clearly knowledge of the unseen Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] the 5th Imam [AS] when asked whether the Imams [AS] had ‘Ilm al-Ghaib the knowledge of the unseen said that when it is unfolded to us we do, when it is not unfolded to us we do not. In other words ‘Ilm al-Ghaib is not part of that body of knowledge which defines the essence of the Imamate. Knowledge of the unseen may be bestowed upon the Imams [AS] at a certain point but then it will be concealed from them. Therefore if Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] did not know that his son was going to die before him this does not detract from the quality of inerrancy because inerrancy does not presuppose knowledge of the unseen. Another more problematic path relates to the doctrine of Bada, Bada means essentially that that which is predestined to happen is changed in this connection (13:39) is cited:-

‘Allah makes to pass away and establishes what He pleases, and with Him is the basis of the Book.’ (13:39)

In other words with respect to destiny Allah (SWT) is free if He wishes to efface it. In other words destiny – the predestining of a certain event is not binding upon Allah (SWT) given the absoluteness of His Will – He may efface it or if He wishes He may affirm it. This verse is commonly cited with regards to the legal principle of abrogation. Islam as a whole, the law of Islam is said to have abrogated previously revealed Divine Laws also within Islamic Law in the Quranic Legislation certain verses are said to have abrogated preceding verses – but here it is a slightly different application of it to imply that what had been destined to happen was as it were now erased or effaced. There are some problems here in that the erasing of destiny or the revision of destiny implies a kind of change of mind, although this is an anthropomorphic term to use in this context -  a change of mind on the part of Allah (SWT). That is that his Will has changed in response to certain external events. And clearly the Divine Knowledge is held to be absolute and not dependent upon or affected by external occurrences and the more common explanation put forward in answer to this question that is how and why did Imam Jaffar al-Sadiq [AS] nominate a son who is going to die before him is the other one that the knowledge of the Imam [AS] and his status as Ma’sum is not dependent upon consistent and immediate knowledge of the future.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 12

Synopsis

-Taqiyyah
-The Ghulah
-The Succession of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]
-Haroon al-Rashid and the eventual death of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]
-Influence of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]
-The offspring of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]

Taqiyyah

Taqiyyah – prudential dissimulation, means concealing one’s identity as a Shi’ah under conditions thought to be dangerous, either for the Imam [AS] himself, for the Shi’i community as a whole or for one’s own person. The utility of this practise one may say was demonstrated in the short run by the Imams after Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Their fragile and hazardous position was made tenable in part by the practise of taqiyyah. However a problem arises, the observance of taqiyyah by the Imams themselves means that not all of their recorded utterances are to be taken as expressing their true opinions. One finds on a wide variety of topics, hadith from the Imams [AS] which are contradictory with each other. On the same topic the Imam [AS] appears to have contradicted himself, which is of course from the Shi’i point of view is an impossibility, therefore the necessity arises of identifying those hadith which were uttered by taqiyyah and those which did indeed express the true opinion of the Imam [AS] or his intended judgement on a given topic. This is a peculiar problem, to the philosophy of hadith, it is a technical problem. One way of approaching this problem is to see which of the apparently contradictory utterances corresponds the closest to a Sunni opinion – and to regard that as having been uttered by taqiyyah, this is the method followed by some Shi’i hadith scholars. The matter is not that simple because there are other instances of apparent contradiction in the sayings of the Imams [AS] that cannot simply be explained by comparing them to Sunni views of opinions on the same subject. This is a problem with which Shi’ah hadith scholars have had to deal with, determining which hadiths have been so to speak infected by the operation of the principle of taqiyyah.

The Ghulah

Another related problem, because it is related to hadith – is the emergence in the time of both Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and his predecessor Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] of the group of the tendency known as the Ghulah – it is an Arabic plural meaning ‘extremist’ i.e. those who go to extremes. The abstract noun in Arabic is Ghulu, which has the general meaning in Arabic as exaggeration, so you can regard the extremists if you like as exaggerists. What is meant here by extremism, nothing political, we are not dealing here with those groups among the Shi’ah or the fringes of the Shi’ah which demanded immediate revolutionary action, what is at issue here is the nature of the Imams [AS] themselves. The Imams [AS] have a high and exalted position by virtue of the attribute of ‘Ismah, infallibility, inerrancy, by virtue of being the Divinely appointed successors to the Prophet [SAW]. Some enthusiasts in the Shi’i movement were not content with this elevated nature of the Imams [AS] and engaged in exaggeration with respect to the nature of the Imams [AS]. For example, it was said that, ‘The Imams [AS] in their substance were created from light from beneath the Divine Throne.’ That is to say that there biological makeup is different from the rest of humanity, and of course given the fact that the Imams [AS] are included with the Prophet [SAW] in the category of the Ma’sumin then this saying, belief – extends to the Prophet [SAW] aswell. The Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] and the totality of the ma’sumin are created in their very biological substance differently from the rest of humanity. Going beyond this the Imams [AS] were designated or viewed as Divine Manifestations – that is as being a complete manifestation in the human physical form of the Divine Being. This tendency first appeared already in the Imamate of Imam Ali [AS]. There were those amongst his followers or who claimed to be his followers who assigned him Divine Status, and he found it necessary to suppress them with the same vigour that he displayed amongst other adversaries.

But the tendency was an obstinate one, a persistent one, and one finds it also in the time of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. It should be stressed that this was a tendency, and not an organised group unlike those other branches of the Shi’i movement already discussed for example the Zaidis, the followers of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah, and of course the Ismailis. It is not a difference relating to the identity of the Imam [AS] but to the very essence and substance of the Imam [AS]. Some among the Ghulah seem to have infiltrated themselves into the following of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Although the Imams [AS] did take care to distance themselves from them, you can find traces of Ghulah views in certain of the collections of hadith, and this is a problem that the scholar of Shi’i hadith must sometimes deal with, the presences of Ghulu. This tendency survives for a very long time, the mode, the tannoy of its transmission is not very clear but one finds it for example in Turkey and in western Iran in the late 15^th and early 16^th Christian century. And one of the paradoxes about the rise of Shi’ism in Iran is that it was carried to triumph by Ghulah, in other words the origins of Shi’ism as the established religion of the state in Iran, at the beginning of the 16^th Christian century are associated with elements which draw upon traditions of the Ghulah. Later however, in fact very quickly, in the reign of the second Safawid king, these elements were laid aside, and there took place the introduction and propagation in Iran of normative twelver Shi’ism as derived from the teachings of the twelve Imams [AS]. One remarkably obstinate belief in Ghulah was that the Archangel Gabriel had made a mistake in bringing the Quran to the Prophet Muhammad [SAW], and that in fact it was intended for Imam Ali [AS]. Obviously a belief rejected by Shi’is and by all Muslims, but occasionally encountered in the beliefs of the Ghulah. Even when this precise claim is not made it is sometimes said retrospectively that Imam Ali [AS] was superior to the Prophet [SAW], himself – these elements exist on the Fringes of the Shi’i movement unconnected to the Imams [AS] and rejected by them but in some cases it is possible to discern traces of Ghulah teachings in hadith, or in alleged hadith exalting the Imams [AS] to Divine Status.

The succession of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]

There was confusion after the death of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], despite the care taken by the Imam [AS] in clarifying the principles of succession above all the question of Nass. Gradually however Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] with the exception of the Ismailis – did emerge as the generally accepted leader of the Shi’ah after Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was born in 128 AH, 745 AD in Madinah. He died in Baghdad in 183 AH, 799 AD, at the age of 55. He exercised in the course of this very brief life, the Imamate for about 35 years. So again a fairly long period of tenure of the Imamate. His influence however was by no means comparable to that of his father Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] because of the particular circumstances under which he was compelled to live – arrests, confinement – being coercively taken back and forth between Madinah and Baghdad. An interesting point to note about the ancestry of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was that his mother was a certain Hamidah who is described in sources as al-Barabariyyah, Barabari is an adjective of origin in Arabic, it might be thought that this refers to the Berber people of North Africa, Saharan Africa – it is an ethno-noun i.e. it refers to a certain ethnic group, however in the usage of classical Muslim geographers Barbari refers to someone originating from what we today call the ‘horn of Africa’ i.e. Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea. Although there is no precise information about the geographical origins of Hamida the mother of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS], this much is certain that she came from that region of Africa. It is interesting to note also that out of the Imams [AS], at least one if not at least two had African mothers. The Successor of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS], the 8^th Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] also had an African mother. Likewise the mother of the Twelth Imam [AS], there are two traditions concerning his mother, in one she is Greek, according to another she was African. Therefore by the time of the Twelth Imam [AS] if we consider his mother as Greek, there was a considerable amount of African Ancestry in the Imams [AS]. Interestingly enough there are traditions from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], traditions that praise the Berber, the Africans of this particular area for the piety and religiosity and the Imam [AS] recommends to his followers and his own son to take a wife from them. Ethnicity is not in itself an important consideration here, except that towards the late 19^th century and early 20^th century a very questionable series of pictures and illustrations began to appear in Iran and elsewhere – depictions that allegedly showed the Imams [AS] themselves. Of course depictions of the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS], is in any school of Islamic thought including Shi’ism, is at the very least questionable. But what is interesting about these barely defensible depictions of the Twelve Imams [AS] that began to appear is that the Imams [AS] all appeared to look like Iranis or Arabs. No attention is given to any other possibility. So when the Twelth Imam [AS] comes to manifestation which is an important point of Shi’i belief he might not be immediately recognisable people may not immediately recognise him, given that he has this African ancestry.

Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] had been designated by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], Nass that is to say by witness designation and had a relatively long tenure as the Imam [AS]. However circumstances were now different from the time of his father Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq’s [AS] life had spanned the final years of the Umayyad and the early years of the Abbasid Caliphate. There was a certain pretence to religious legitimacy of the Caliphate on the part of the Abbasids. In making such claims to religious legitimacy the Abbasids had two aims in mind, one was so that people would compare them favourably with the outgoing Umayyad Dynasty. The Umayyads from the time of Mu’awiyah and Yazid had been regarded by people in generality and not simply the nascent Shi’i community as irreligious. The Abbasids therefore sought to present themselves by contrast as patrons of religion and persons of piety. Then on the other hand they had to blunt the claims and the popularity of the Imams [AS] and the Shi’i community. The appeal of the Imams [AS] went beyond those who in a narrow and precise sense would identify themselves as their followers i.e. the Shi’is. It was therefore important for the Abbasids to neutralise and if not to counterbalance this appeal of the Imams [AS]. We find therefore a curious practise amongst the Abbasids from the second Abbasid Caliph onwards, of taking a kind of throne title. In other words they would have a conventional name before becoming caliph, on becoming caliph they would be given a ceremonial title indicating a claim to religious legitimacy and dignity. The exception was the very first Abbasid Caliph whose title was al-Saffah (the shedder of blood). However his successor during whose rule Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] succeeded to the Imamate called himself al-Mansoor bi Allah (the one made vicorious by God).

This marks a convention that was maintained by the Abbasid Caliphs until the very end of their rule until the middle of the 13^th Christian Century. The inclusion of the Divine Name in the titles underlines the propaganda that they owed their legitimacy directly to Allah ÓÈÍÇäå æÊÚÇáì. The called themselves ‘Khalifatu Allah’, not simply the successor to the Prophet [SAW], but in a sense successor to God or viceregent of God, holding power directly on Divine Authority irrespective of descent or other association with the Prophet [SAW]. The persecution of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] began in the time of al-Mansoor, but became more intense in the reign of his successor al-Hadi bi Allah (the one who dispenses guidance by means of God). He ruled from 775 AD – 786 AD. Al-Hadi placed Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] under house arrest in Madinah. Then not content with that he had him taken to Baghdad where he remained for a long time under house arrest and close surveillance. This was to become normative for the Abbasid Caliphs in their dealings with the Imams [AS]. Removal from Madinah and putting into house arrest in conditions of varying intensity. Obviously this discouraged immediate contact being made between the Imams [AS] and their followers and discouraged their influence on the broader Muslim community. Before the end of his rule, al-Hadi released Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] from confinement in Baghdad and allowed him to return to Madinah. It was in the reign of the next Abbasid Caliph that Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] and the Shi’i community came under a degree of persecution that they had not since Umayyad times. This was the rule of the celebrated or notorious according to one’s faith Abbasid Caliph – Haroon al-Rashid. Amongst all the Abbasid Caliphs he is the best known, partly because of the length of his rule from 786 AD – 809 AD, partly because of his time in which the Caliphate obtained it’s maximum geographical extent, partly because of the undoubted prosperity that prevailed also the intellectual flourishing of Baghdad the imperial capital. You cannot forget the fact also that Haroon al-Rashid appears in a large number of folk tales in addition.

Haroon al-Rashid and the eventual death of Imam Muza al-Kazim [AS]

The period in question that of the Caliphate of Haroon al-Rashid is also one in which the persecution of the Imams [AS] and their followers also reaches a climax. Haroon al-Rashid in fact bought about the poisoning and martyrdom of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. The background to the re-arresting of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] and his ultimate poisoning is the following – Haroon al-Rashid had assigned the upbringing of his son and heir to the throne – Amin, to a certain Jaffer who was very probably a Shi’i. The name here is not important there have already been a number of Jaffers in addition to the most Important one (Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]). One question that might arise is how is it possible that the Caliph should assign the tutoring of the heir to the throne to a Shi’i? Even if we suppose that the person in question here was exercising taqiyyah. Here the following is to be remarked – on occasion the Abbasid Caliphs seemed to have waited for some kind of co-opting of the Imams [AS] and their followers while retaining certainly their own supremacy and their own claim to legitimate rule. They occasionally sought to accommodate the Shi’is by drawing them in as their administration and extending certain favours to them. The most obvious example of that comes with the next Imam [AS], Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] who is in fact proclaimed albeit passingly as the heir to the Caliphate itself. So, this is on the side of the Abbasids – from the point of view of the Shi’is themselves there is the principle not only of taqiyyah that is to say the permissibility, in fact the necessity of concealing identity under certain circumstances. There is also the principle that the Shi’i may legitimately enter the service of an unjust or usurpatory ruler if by doing so he is either able to serve the interests of the community, or he is able to reduce the injustice and oppression which such rulers exercise. There are explicit hadith to this effect again from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and fairly numerous examples of this from the period of the Abbasid Caliphs. If we examine the history of the Abbasids we find in fact that numerous individuals who in very high positions that we know to have been Shi’i. For example the chief minister of the last Abbasid caliph at the time of the Mongol conquest of Baghdad was Shi’i. We need not conclude that their Shi’i identity was unknown to the Abbasid Caliph, it can be explained in terms of other considerations.

In any event in the time of Haroon al-Rashid we have this individual Jaffer, a Shi’i appointed tutor to the heir apparent al-Amin. This aroused the hostility and jealousy of a member of the Barmaki family. A family of bureaucrats and in some cases scholars originating from the locality of Bagh in present day Afghanistan. They have become so well known in the history of the Abbasids that there is an Anglicised form of their name – the Burmacides. The Barmaki feared that if the heir apparent came under the influence of this Shi’i scholar in the next reign their influence would be bought to an end. They therefore began to plot the downfall of both Jaffer, the Shi’i appointed as tutor to the heir apparent and of course of the Imam [AS] himself. The first step in the unfolding of this plot was that the Burmakis sent one member of their family to the house of Jaffer with a display of friendship and generosity to such a degree that they were always welcome and were able to witness the comings and goings in the house of Jaffer. At the very same time the Burmakis established contact with the nephew of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] in Madinah, a member of the family of the Imam [AS] himself. They behaved towards him in generous fashion, they gave him a large number of gifts, they suggested that he should travel to Baghdad as their guest and they also suggested that he would meet with the caliph himself, Haroon al-Rashid. Imam Musa al-Kadhim [AS] warned his nephew about accepting this invitation and laid particular stress that if he were to go to Baghdad and to meet with Haroon al-Rashid he should be very careful in what he said, in other words he should definitely observe on certain sensitive and important matters the principle of taqiyyah.

The nephew disregarded his advice and went to Baghdad as the guest of the Barmakis had an audience with Haroon al-Rashid and said precisely what he should not have said. He said that to the Imam [AS] in Madinah is coming a vast sum of money from east and west from a network of agents established by him and working under his authority. The implication of this, or the interpretation made of it whether in good or in bad faith by the Caliph was that here he was confronted by an insurrectionary movement fronted by Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. Despite the outward quietism established by Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] like his predecessors from the time of Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] onwards, in fact he was plotting a secret uprising. For this reason he had his agents coming and going and money transferred from them, coming from the east and the west. As a factual statement this was no doubt true, the interpretation of it was another matter. What was the money coming from the east and the west and who were the agents? In Shi’ah Islam there is the principle of the Khums, the payment of a tax known as the Khums. Khums is simply the Arabic word meaning one fifth. And the origin of the Khums as a tax of a particular type goes back to Quran (8:41):-

‘And know that whatever thing you gain, a fifth of it is for Allah and for the Messenger and for the near of kin and the orphans and the needy and the wayfarer, if you believe in Allah and in that which We revealed to Our servant, on the day of distinction, the day on which the two parties met; and Allah has power over all things.’ (Quran 8:41)

Fifth of what? In the original context of revelation a fifth of booty won in battle. One fifth of that was to be turned over to the Prophet [SAW] for the reasons that are specified in the balance of the verse. In other words for him to spend and disperse amongst those various categories – his immediate relatives, orphans, indigent, and the travellers. Travellers here is not any traveller – but it means traveller who of no fault of their own have fallen on hard times and are in need of assistance. The fact that the assignation of the Khums to Allah (SWT) and his Messenger in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] is essentially an assignation for the distribution and administration. In other words the khums in his time and of course later and even down to the present, khums is not a measure of enrichment for the persons that receive it. It is rather assigned to them for distribution and expenditure. And the proof of this in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] himself of course was that he died in a state of near poverty without leaving any wealth behind. Likewise when one comes to the Imams [AS] – we see that all of them lead lives of exemplary asceticism.

After the death of the Prophet [SAW], the daughter of the Prophet [SAW], Bibi Fatima [AS] not only demanded as her right the land known as Fadak, but also raised a claim to the khums as a relative of the Prophet [SAW]. The first Caliph Abu Bakr denied her this as he had denied her Fadak. But from the point of view of Shi’ah Islam this denial is unwarranted and it continues except of course in the military campaigns undertaken by the Caliphs which resulted in booty, that booty did not come to the Imams [AS] or even to the descendants of the Prophet [SAW], it rather remained literally in the hands of and not substantially distributed by the Caliphs themselves. The monies therefore are different in nature, Khums is levied upon certain categories of wealth and income for example profit in commercial transactions is subject to the khums and one fifth of it is payable to the Imams [AS] in their lifetimes and afterwards i.e. after the beginning of the occultation, then the legitimate recipients and distributors of the khums on the behalf of the occulted Imam [AS] are the scholars – the fuqaha. We know that the payment of the khums under conditions when the majority community is Sunni – who regarded it is obsolete as effectively abrogated was an important signal of continuing loyalty to the Imams [AS]. It is not that large sums of money were involved, still less the case that the Imams [AS] used for the money for their own comfort or personal enrichment. But the very payment of the money its transmission to the Imam [AS] in Madinah or in some cases later in Baghdad and elsewhere in Iraq – this was an important demonstration of reaffirmation of loyalty to the Imam [AS]. Apart from which insofar as the Shi’ah community did exist as a community with a certain number of institutions – clearly those institutions required some material support, and to this also the khums was devoted. What kinds of institutions? We know that at least from the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] onwards there were courts of law operating under the general authority and auspices of the Imam [AS]. Although there was an attitude of quietism there was the establishment of, and it is not known how extensively, of a separate and distinct legal system. We even have hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] forbidding recourse to the courts of the Caliphs even for the vindication of a legitimate claim. Let us assume that you gave a loan to your neighbour or business partner who doesn’t pay it back and you have an entirely legitimate claim to it – Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] forbids recourse to the courts established by the Caliph, for recovering that entirely legitimate right. From this we can deduce the existence of a more permative legal system the maintenance of which would require a certain amount of modest expenditure.

We know also and this applies particularly to Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS], we have anecdotal evidence supporting it that the khums was distributed amongst the poor, the poor in general and not simply the poor of the Shi’i community. Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] once exiled again to Baghdad by Haroon al-Rashid became known amongst the poor in Baghdad as ‘Bab al-Hawa’ij’, ‘the gate of needs’, meaning the gate where needs are fulfilled. This is therefore the question of money which is at issue here – the khums. Being paid, and sent to the presence of the Imam [AS] as a mark of solidarity to him, as a sign of continuing allegiance and expended for the purposes already mentioned – not to be understood as the financial preparation for an uprising. Even in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] when the Imam [AS] was able to function with relative freedom he had found it appropriate to name representatives in various parts of the Muslim world where his followers existed. And these bore the title of ‘Wakil’ – meaning representative or deputy, one authorised to act on his behalf with respect to a variety of functions. First and foremost the collection and forwarding of the Khums, secondly the organisation also of a certain judicial system, forwarding utterances and pronouncements of the Imams [AS] to his followers and conversely also forwarding their queries (i.e. the wakil to the Imam [AS] on behalf of the people) on matters of doctrine to the Imam [AS] himself wherever he might be. And as the circumstances of confinement to which the Imams [AS] were subjected became more and more stringent the importance of these representatives was heightened. Since access to the Imam [AS] was virtually impossible for the great majority of the Shi’ah the wakils stood in for him and were able to maintain the cohesion of the community.

Finally with respect to this accusation made either foolishly or treacherously by the nephew of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] that money is coming to the Imam [AS] from the east and the west what has he meant here by east and west. In other words at this point in the history of Shi’ism where were the Shi’is to be found? Primarily in four areas of geographical concentration firstly Iraq itself and more specifically Southern Iraq. The city of Kufa which had been the centre of government of Imam Ali [AS] during his exercise of the caliphate and the place of his martyrdom, to a lesser extent the nearby city of Basrah. This was the earliest homeland it can be said, the earliest concentration of the Shi’ah. It had seen after all the exercise of rule of Imam Ali [AS] and Imam Hassan [AS] but also the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] at Karbala. Secondly the city of Madinah itself, in the Imamate of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] there is a geographical shift and thereafter we do not find any of the Imams [AS] resident in Madinah. However there was and remained a Shi’i community in Madinah from the earliest times. And in fact there is still today in Madinah a Shi’i community concerning the history of which very little is known precisely because this community down to the present has been obliged to observe taqiyyah. This has been particularly necessary under the Wahhabi rule of the Hijaz (Makkah and Madinah).

Despite the absence of a detailed written history of the Shi’i community in Madinah it is reasonable to presume that the present day community goes back to the community first established when the Imams [AS] themselves were resident in Madinah. Thirdly one may mention Khurasan, which was a culturally and historically important region in eastern Iran, except that we should bear in mind that the historical Khurasan is far broader in it’s extent than the present day Iranian province with that name. In other words Khurasan, if one were to try to delineate it with respects to present day borders it would also include large areas of western Afghanistan and to the north east also certain areas of central Asia. The establishment of the Shi’i community in Khurasan appears to go back to that time of transition between the Umayyad and the Abbasid caliphates. We know that in most of the principle cities of Khurasan there were Shi’i communities established. We know also that at that time i.e. during the early Abbasid period there were Shi’i communities in some of the cities of Central Asia, which today no longer have these communities for example Bukhara and Samarkand – now located in Uzbekistan, they did have indigenous Shi’i communities which in the course of history died out. Of course it is not true to say that today there are no Shi’is in Bukhara and Samarkand however they are the descendants of Iranian prisoners of war taken there during the 18^th and 19^th centuries, they are therefore not originally indigenous to the area. Fourth in our numeration of areas of the Shi’i world at this time is Central Iran, most particularly of course the city of Qum, which today one might designate as the spiritual, as opposed to the political and administrative capital of Iran. Qum is one of the few cities that was founded in Iran after the coming of Islam. From it’s very first foundation Qum was a centre of Shi’ism in Iran, it was established by Shi’is fleeing from persecution by the Abbasids. From the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] onwards it’s importance was clearly recognised as a place for the cultivation and dissemination of Shi’ah Islam. There is a tradition from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in which he is recorded to have said that:-

‘From Qum a man will arise from my lineage who will establish the right and will forbid the wrong, and who will vindicate the cause of the Ahl al-bait [AS].’

So a prediction for the rising from Qum of a person who will fulfil these accomplishments, it is not surprising that after the triumph of the revolution in 1979, that Imam Khomaini was regarded as having fulfilled this prediction made many centuries earlier by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. Closer to the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is the death in Qum of one of the daughters of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] – Fatimah Ma’sumah, whose shrine is a principal place of pilgrimage in Iran. There are indication also of a fifth region of Shi’i presence in Egypt and North Africa. Egypt not before too long becomes the centre of the Fatimid Caliphate which of course espouses Ismaili Shi’ism not Twelver Shi’ism. But we know that in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and probably Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] there were those in Egypt that owed their loyalty to the Twelver line, and also elsewhere in North Africa, farther to the west along the North African coast. Of course no trace of these communities now remains, unlike the other four regions that have been discussed.

Once the nephew of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] had been incautious or treacherous in his interview with Haroon al-Rashid – Haroon al-Rashid had Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] arrested in 793 AD. It seems that he regarded this as an enterprise of great importance and sensitivity because he himself on the pretext of making the Hajj went that year to the Hijaz to Arabia. Moreover he had Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] arrested at night and sent to Basrah in Southern Iraq. And at the very same time sent a decoy caravan in order to confuse the followers of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] or the Muslim public at large so they wouldn’t know which caravan the Imam [AS] was being taken into exile. Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was initially imprisoned in Basrah under the close surveillance of the governor of the city. After a year Haroon al-Rashid sent to the governor instructions to put Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] to death. The governor was unwilling to do this he responded to Haroon al-Rashid that he had not observed a treasonable political activity on the part of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] whilst he was in his care – he had been engaged exclusively in acts of devotion and scholarship and therefore he was not only unwilling to execute him he was unwilling to detain him any longer, or to have responsibility for him. To this Haroon al-Rashid responded by having Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] removed from Basrah and taken to Baghdad and imprisoned in a succession of different houses. Here again by his demeanour Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was able to incline his jailors favourably towards him, to the point that in his frustration Haroon al-Rashid had one of them arrested, cursed and publicly whipped for his supposed treachery to the Abbasid Caliphate.

Now the member of the Barmaki family who was at the origin of this whole affair obligingly offered Haroon al-Rashid to take over responsibility for the confinement of the Imam [AS]. Without any hesitation that member gave orders on behalf of the Caliph that Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] be poisoned. It was said that the poison was administered by feeding him with dates that had been poisoned. However whether by way of premonition or simple chance Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was able to dictate a will, Nass, naming the following Imam [AS] before his death. Once the Imam [AS] had passed away, Haroon al-Rashid gave orders that his body be displayed on the principal bridge of Baghdad, the bridge across the Tigris in Baghdad – for a variety of political reasons. First, to prove that he was indeed dead – to prove that Imam [AS] was dead. As we have seen with respect to previous Imams [AS] and claimants to the Imamate – it was a popular theme amongst their followers to suggest that the person in question was not really dead, but had gone into hiding or had disappeared, and would somehow reappear. So to display beyond all doubt that Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] had indeed undergone a physical death of conventional type the caliph ordered that his body be displayed. Of course, this did not do the trick with respect to some followers of the Imam [AS], or who regarded themselves as the followers of the Imam [AS], because after his death again the notion arose with respect to him that he had gone into a state of occultation that he had disappeared – and that he would reappear – or that he had died and would be resurrected soon, and that in fact someone looking like him had been put to death as a trick and not the Imam [AS] himself. This purpose was not entirely attained by the scandalous act of displaying his body to public view. The second purpose was no doubt to arouse the impression that the Imam [AS] had not died as a result of foul play. Because he had simply been poisoned and there were no signs of wounds or blows on his body. One can say that this purpose was directed at the Muslim community in general that bore respect and veneration to the person of the Imam [AS], and who would have been shocked that a descendant of the Prophet [SAW] suffered violence at the hands of the Caliphate. Thirdly, it is permissible to discern in this display of the body of the Imam [AS] an intention on the part of the caliph to show a deliberate disrespect to the Shi’i community to expose the body of their Imam [AS] to public view under conditions of indignity. This was the fashion under which one more of the Imams [AS] was martyred at the hands of the one claiming legitimate rule over the Muslim community.

Influence of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]

Given these conditions – imprisonment, confinement, close surveillance – Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] obviously enough was not able to have prolonged contact with the community like Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] nor to have substantial interaction with others beyond the confines of the Shi’i community. However we do know that he was held in high esteem we find transmitted from him a number of hadith in Sunni books of tradition as well as well as of course in the Shi’ah books of tradition. There is a hadith narrated from him in the Musnad of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Sunan Tirmidi and Sunan Ibn Majah. Many of the biographers of the Imam [AS] make a close comparison between him and the 4^th Imam [AS], Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] – the comparison lying on the fact that both of them were renowned for their emphasis upon continuous acts of worship and devotion. This was noted by for example by some of his jailors after he was detained by Haroon al-Rashid, and it was noted already in Madinah before he was banished to Iraq. He was given in the general community the affirmation ‘ al-‘Abd al-Salih’ ‘The Righteous Servant (of Allah (SWT))’.

Not only did he transmit hadith despite the circumstances in which he was forced to live, but he also seems to have had some interactions with Sufis. There has been intersection between Shi’i and Sufi tradition most noticeable of course in the fact that most of the Sufi lineages go back to Imam Ali [AS]. Then we find Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] associated with certain Sufis and also included in the initiatic lines of descent of some of the Sufi orders. The same goes for Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. He is connected with at least two figures in Sufi tradition. Shaqiq al-Balkhi and Bishr Hafi. His connection to Shaqiq al-Balkhi is said to go back to his time when he was still in Madinah – he came on Hajj and saw him surrounded by a large number of believers - astounded by the popularity that this modest figure enjoyed discovered that it was Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] he then became close to him. According to Sufi Tradition Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] was the initiating Sheikh of Shaqiq al-Balkhi. This is not really possible, in that for all their similarity and frequent interception Sufism is one thing and Shi’ism is something else – one cannot make it applicable to the Imams [AS] this kind of passing on of a Sufi initiation. We have to take it in a more general sense of sympathetic interaction between the two and above all of gained spiritual benefit for some of the Sufis from some of the Imams [AS]. As for Bishr Hafi – his association with Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] goes back to the time that he was imprisoned Baghdad awaiting his martyrdom, the details of the story are not of particular importance.

In addition to these various kinds of contact and influence during his lifetime we can discern also certain important ways in which he exercised a posthumous influence. Firstly, with respect to what you may call the sacred geography of Shi’ah Islam. Being martyred in Baghdad, it was there that he was buried, in what was at the time a suburb of Baghdad, later was buried next to him the 9^th Imam [AS] Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] – the shrine which houses them is now known as Kazimain– now effectively a part of Baghdad and no longer a suburb. Kazimain in the dual in Arabic – the two Kazims – not in a literal sense, we are not dealing here with two people who are called Kazim, what is meant rather is that Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] and the one associated with him by burial next to him Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS]. Likewise one speaks of Sadiqain (the two Sadiqs) – this does not mean two Imams both known as al-Sadiq but means Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and his son Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. The burial of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] in what was to become Kazimain enriches the sacred geopraphy of Shi’ah Islam and also reinforces primacy of Iraq in this respect. In Iraq there is now not only Najaf and Karbala as places for the visitation of the Imams [AS], there is also Kazimain.



The offspring of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]

Secondly, with respect to the posthumous influence of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] – he had numerous offspring. There are varying reports of how many children he had by varying wives at least 37 or possibly more. Of these 37 large numbers sought refuge away from Baghdad the centre of the Caliphate where control and persecution were liable to be at their most intense – in lands to the east, and in the first place Iran, where already Shi’i communities but of course in the minority were coming into being and offered a hospitable environment.

It must also be mentioned that traces of the descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] settled very much further to the east in entirely unexpected places. There are for example in Siberia shrines which are associated with descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] because of a lack of a written historiographical tradition amongst the Muslims of this area of Siberia i.e. Western Siberia it is difficult to be certain of the historicity of these attributions. But the very fact that they were made means that there must have been at one point some kind of presence in the area of descendants of the Imams [AS] – and specifically of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. An even more interesting and distant destination that some of the descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] appear to have reached is China – more specifically the island of Hainan in the South China Sea – in present day Vietnam. The island of Hainan is designated in the works of early Muslim geographers as ‘Jaziratu al-Sa’dat’ or ‘Jaziratu al-‘Alawi’ – the Island of the Sayyids – Sayyids here having the particular connotation of the Prophet [SAW] through the line of the Imams [AS] – more explicitly still Jaziratu al-‘Alawi – the Island of the descendants of Imam Ali [AS]. It is impossible to confirm the any specific descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] or others from the line of the Imams [AS] in this area. All that is known is that there are indeed on this island Muslim tombstones of great antiquity – unfortunately the inscriptions have become virtually illegible with the passage of time. But on the face of it there is no reason to question in general terms a probability of a presence of descendants of the Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] in this area. Ultimately more significant than these exotic areas of Siberia and China is of course Iran. The settlement there of the descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. There residence of, and subsequent death of the descendants gave rise to some of the most important shrines in the country. Already mentioned in passing is the daughter of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS], Fatimah Ma’sumah buried in Qum. Her shrine is one of the principal points of pilgrimage as well as a place for the cultivation of Shi’i scholarship. We can also mention amongst them a host of other shrines dedicated to the children of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] Shah Cheragh in Shiraz, and Shah Sadiq Hussain in Qazwin. There are in fact tens of shrines in Iran, housing the remains of the offspring of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS]. Each of these shrines has to a degree become the destination for Ziyarah. The tombs of the Imams [AS] themselves are the prime destinations for Ziyarah. However Ziyarah may legitimately and meritoriously be made to the tombs of one of the descendants of the Imams [AS]. The technical term to bear in mind is Imamzadeh – a Persian term meaning the descendant of the Imam [AS], this means in Persian the person who is descended from the Imam and also the location where he/she is buried. Ziyarah to the Imamzadeh goes back an extremely long way – and is authenticated as a religious practise by the Imams [AS] themselves. We know for example that a Shi’i from the city of Ra’i in Central Iran once told the 8^th Imam [AS], Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] that it was difficult if not impossible for him to go all the way to Iraq to visit Najaf or Karbala, whereupon the Imam [AS] told him that

‘There are many descendants from amongst our family buried close to you (i.e. geographically close to him) – and you may go there with equal merit.’

The Ziyarah of the Imamzadeh has an equal merit to the Ziyarah of the tombs of the Imams [AS]. A final point as to the posthumous influence of Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS] are the various lineages that eventuated not simply in a shrine or a tomb of sanctity but also in the cultivation of knowledge and scholarship. The most contemporary modern example can be referred to – Imam Khumaini who was himself a Musavi – Imam Ruhullah Musavi Khumaini – Musavi indicating his descent from Imam Musa al-Kazim[AS].

LECTURE 13

Synopsis

-A discussion regarding the Kunya of the 8^th Imam [AS]
-The influence of the 8th Imam [AS] and his tendency to quietism and emphasis on the cultivation of spirituality and knowledge.
-His influence on fiqh (Islamic Law) and medicine
-The Imam [AS] is regarded as the Mujaddid (the renewer) by Sunni Islam
-His influence of Sufism
-His wide ranging knowledge of other religions demonstrated by the debate at Marw arranged by al-Ma’mun.
-The attempt by Ma’mun to combine the Imamate and the Caliphate and the possible reasons for him doing so.
-Ma’mun backtracks on his appointment of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his successor and has him killed
- The influence of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to the sacred geography of Iran.

A discussion regarding the Kunya of the 8^th Imam [AS]

The life and legacy of the 8^th Imam – Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]. As was always the case, the death of the preceding Imam [AS] Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] was accompanied with a degree of uncertainty and division within the community about the identity of the successor. On this occasion however the disagreement and confusion was relatively minor and short lived, almost the entirety of the Shi’i community came to accept Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as the 8^th Imam [AS] and as the successor to Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]. He was born in 153 AH, 770 AD, in the city of Madinah which it can be recalled before the forced removal from the city of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] was still a place of residence of the Imam [AS]. Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] has a number of subsidiary names which are worth considering briefly for a variety of reasons. The Imams [AS] in keeping with the traditional practise of Arabic nomenclature have also a secondary name which is known as a ‘kunya’ – it is a name indicating the fatherhood of a real or hypothetical male offspring. In other words the first element in the kunya is ‘Abu’ meaning father, this would then be followed by the name of a male offspring, typically the eldest – in the event of someone not having a son simply an imaginary name would be included there. Sometimes there is an alternative instead of the name of the son, an attribute or quality would be supplied instead indicating a close relationship between the person in question and the attribute. Generally it is found in some of the Shi’i sources particularly in the books of tradition, in the books of Shi’i hadith, the Imams [AS] are identified not by the first name with which we commonly recognise them but rather by means of the Kunya. Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] has as his kunya, Abu Hassan. Sometimes this leads to confusion because we have other Imams [AS] in the line of the twelve who have the same kunya. Therefore if it is related in the sources that it is related from Abu Hassan ‘such and such’ was said, there is the possibility of confusion. There is also interestingly enough another Kunya which is attributed to Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] – Abu Bakr – this is in the first light surprising because Abu Bakr was the name of the first Caliph of Islam, that person who is the view of Shi’ah Islam was at the origins of much of the misfortunes in early Islamic History, by accepting the caliphate in place of Imam Ali [AS]. It is already demonstrated with respect to the ancestry of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] that these considerations of legitimacy and succession to rule had not yet lead to a profound mutual hostility, the maternal grandfather of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] was a descendant of Abu Bakr. Therefore genealogically there was a linkage of the two lines. The fact that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] had as a kunya the name Abu Bakr signifies again that the split had not yet degenerated into mutual hostility and rejection. On the contrary however ideas of unity and conciliation were in the air in the time of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], therefore the fact that he had this kunya is significant in this way as well. Even later names which came to be associated exclusively with the first three caliphs, and therefore from the Shi’i point of view having a pejorative flavour to them were still in use. For example we find that right till the end of the period of the twelve Imams [AS], that is to say when the 12^th Imam [AS] was still on earth the name ‘Umar and Uthman being used by some of the Shi’ah. It is only later when separation lead to mutual rejection and hostility that there is a segregation even in terms of name. With certain names becoming off limits for Shi’is. This does not mean to say that every name from the early period of Islamic history was acceptable and mutual – for example we do not find anyone called Mu’awiyah and Yazid – not even amongst Sunnis until very recent times, the names Mu’awiyah and Yazid would have been a gross disfavour to one’s child to impose such a name upon him. But the names of the first three caliphs were not seen as having an inherently negative quality.

Ali, is the name of the 1^st Imam [AS], Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib [AS], it is also the name of the 4^th Imam [AS], Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS]. Therefore by way of distinguishing this particular Imam (the 8^th Imam [AS]) he is known as Ali al-Rida [AS]. Since he is buried in Iran, one often pronounces his name with the persianised version (Reza). Rida means in Arabic – satisfaction, satisfaction specifically with that which Allah (SWT) predestines for man and as a result of that satisfaction a learning of the Divine Satisfaction. There is a two-fold satisfaction, man’s satisfaction with what God decrees for him, and God’s satisfaction with a man who has made that acceptance (i.e. becomes satisfied with what God has decreed). You might expect that the name is in the adjectival form, it is not, al-Rida is an abstract noun, which in a way is more emphatic, in other words he is not simply one who is satisfied with that which has been decreed or predestined for him, he is satisfaction itself. He is satisfaction with Divine Will and Fate personified. This name was interestingly enough bestowed upon him by the Abbasid caliph who after a series of intricate events brought about the martyrdom of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]. There is therefore a certain irony in the fact that the person who bought about the death of this Imam [AS] should also have been the one who bestowed upon him, the name or title by which he is most commonly known.

The influence of the 8^th Imam [AS] and his tendency to quietism and emphasis on the cultivation of spirituality and knowledge

Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], like his father Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] had a mother who was African, it is not known the precise place of her origin except that she was from that area that is described today as the horn of Africa, the North-Eastern point of Africa. He held the office of the Imamate for twenty years during part of which his ability to interact with followers, and with the broader Islamic community was severely circumscribed by the policy of the Abbasid Caliphs. The first decade of his Imamate he spent in relative freedom in Madinah. In fact it can be said that to begin with he enjoyed a greater freedom than Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] had, in Madinah before his forcible removal to Iraq. Taking advantage of this freedom he taught and lectured in the courtyard of the Prophet’s [SAW] Mosque in Madinah, that mosque known as the Masjid al-Nabawi. Bearing in mind that Madinah at this point was still a major centre of scholarship and of piety, therefore the ability of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to teach and to lecture there carried with it a high degree of interaction with all segments of the community. It would not also be those resident in Madinah that had taken up residence there, but also the pilgrims. Because then, as in fact now – in fact throughout the ages the Hajj – the pilgrimage to Makkah has as it’s concomitant a period spent also in Madinah praying in the mosque of the Prophet [SAW] and visiting his tomb. Therefore it can be presumed that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] during his early years had the opportunity to interact with pilgrims coming from a wide variety of regions in the Muslim world, as well as scolars resident in Madinah.

From the earliest part of his life he showed exceptional talent in the religious sciences it is said of him that he memorised the Quran in no fewer than three days. Whether this feat be believed or not what is certain is that the belief that he did in fact memorise the Quran in three days, underlines the close connection between the Ahl al-bait [AS] and the Quran. It is not an entirely improbably claim, there are examples in the present day of children who memorised the entirety of the Quran and internalised it’s contents maybe not in three days but in a remarkably short period and not merely memorised the Quran but also come to understand it’s meaning and be able to respond to questions concerning it. There is a young boy in Iran, already at the age of 3 he had memorised the entirety of the Quran. At the age of 5 he was able to respond intelligently to questions concerning the contents of the Quran. If this be the case for someone who is of ultimate descent from the Imams [AS] but not one among them then the priori does not seem impossible that one of the Imams [AS], one of the ma’sumin should have memorised the Quran in an extremely short period. In any event the people of Madinah and those visiting the city would come to consult him on a variety of matters and above all interpretation of the Quran, and also questions of law. Interestingly enough when he was consulted on questions of Islamic law– he would respond in the first place with a citation from the Quran, which is important from at least two points of view. First of all it demonstrates quite precisely his thorough internalisation of the Quran. And secondly it shows in a more practically and a more immediately comprehensible fashion the links between the Imams [AS] in general, Ahl al-bait [AS] and the Quran. Although they possessed the quality of ‘Ismah, inerrancy, and from the point of view of Shi’i doctrine were entitled to without reference to any source, without reference to the Quran itself to pronounce verdicts of compelling veracity – nonetheless, Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] chose in the first place to cite a relevant verse from the Quran in answer to questions of legal content. Then if necessary or useful he would supplement his answer with hadith, hadith from the Prophet [SAW] or from his predecessors from amongst the Imams [AS] clarifying the legal import of the verses that he had just cited. This activity he seems to have begun, this public activity of teaching, of answering questions on fiqh by means of Quranic citations – roughly at the age of 20 in other words before he had acceded to the office of the Imamate.

It is possible and maybe even helpful to draw a comparison between him and among his predecessors Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] – one sees in fact parallels on more than one occasion between one of the Imams [AS] and his predecessor. For example as already mentioned Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] can in some sense be compared to Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin [AS] the 4^th Imam [AS] in that both of them excelled in piety and devotion that is to say in constant worship beyond the minimum required by the Shariah – precautionary and supplementary prayers and so forth. Likewise Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] can be compared suitably to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in that he left his mark primarily through learning, teaching and instruction. And in just the same way as books little trace of which survive, have been ascribed to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], likewise there are books that have been attributed to Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]. Some of these have survived unlike the earlier texts. There is a total of eight books attributed to Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], they deal essentially with three different but interrelated disciplines – firstly hadith – he transmitted hadith to a large number of scholars – Shi’i and Sunni alike – during the period in which he was giving instruction in Masjid al-Nabawi. When the transmission of hadith is spoken of, it should be clarified that more is involved that the simple mechanical transmission of a text – the transmission of a hadith whether in the Shi’i or Sunni context implies also the inscription of the recipient in a chain of authority. In other words to receive a hadith from a previous authority implies that that authority regards you as a trustworthy and a pious person, who can be relied upon, accurately and faithfully to transmit the hadith to others. There is more here than a simple transmission of a text from one person to the next, irrespective of the personality. In other words there must be some kind of congruity between the character and piety of the recipient of the hadith and the religious message contained in the hadith itself. So the transmission of hadith is an extremely important part of the intellectual and spiritual life of Muslims both Shi’i and Sunni, particular in the early era in question.

In addition to transmitting hadith in this fashion Imam Ali Al-Rida [AS] also wrote some clarifications of hadith. There is one case which deserves some examination because the hadith is in terms of it’s contents was somewhat problematical and also because it is very widespread. This is a hadith which the Sufis in particular are very fond of. The hadith in question runs as follows, and is very simple:-

‘Allah (SWT) created Adam [AS] in His form’

If we understand the antecedent of the possessive adjective ‘his’ to refer back to Allah (SWT) that means in effect that Allah (SWT) has a form. Allah (SWT) created Adam [AS] in his form i.e. Allah (SWT) created Adam [AS] in His (Allah’s own form), this of course is problematic in the least, in that form implies limitation, it implies quantity, and is therefore incompatible with the absoluteness – the transcendence of Allah ÓÈÍÇäå æÊÚÇáì. The form by necessity is not unique, the form by definition attains it’s separate identity with respect to other forms, therefore this would also entail a denial of the unity of Allah ÓÈÍÇäå æÊÚÇáì. It would open the door for the possibility of other Gods with other forms. To look at it from a different point of view, the hadith might be also be regarded as problematic in that it involves the Divinisation of Adam [AS], or of the descendants of Adam [AS] – of man. In other words to say that man is himself a Divine Being – the form of man is the very form of Allah (SWT) himself, so that the essential distinction upon which Islam is based, the distinction between Allah (SWT) and his creation – between the transcendent Creator and the contingent creation – this is essentially abolished. Despite these problems the hadith in question has been very current and is frequently cited especially by the Sufis, they have attempted to get around the problem by as it were redefining the word form to mean other than it’s obvious sense. They have argued for example that the Divine Attributes have attained manifestation in man, which is an arguable position – it is a plausible position, in that the Quran establishes certainly not identity between a man and God, but a degree of closeness between man and God which is not found in any other of the creation. However according to the explanation put forward by Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] all of these explanations are misplaced because the antecedent in the possessive adjective ‘his’ is not Allah (SWT) but rather Adam [AS] so we can dispense with this possibility. Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] says that in fact Allah (SWT) created Adam in his form is an incomplete citation and the hadith in its totality runs approximately as follows – in the time of the Prophet [SAW] two individuals, two Muslims were quarrelling with each other, the subject of their disagreement is unknown and unimportant. It seems that matters between them reached such a point that they themselves seem to have forgotten what the quarrel was about. In any event one of them in an excess of anger said to the other, ‘May Allah (SWT) curse you and whoever He has created in your form.’ (in other words may Allah (SWT) curse you and anyone else like you, people like you and akin to you). Thereupon the Prophet [SAW] became aware of this unseemly dispute admonished them and said, ‘Allah created Adam [AS] in his form.’ That is to say in the form of the person that you are cursing, in effect you are cursing this individual implies a cursing of the entirety of humanity – because Allah (SWT) created everyone in the form of this person that he was cursing. And this also implies disrespect to Allah (SWT) because the creation of that form is a Divine Act. Therefore ‘his’ goes back to the individual being cursed. Although this explanation dissolves the various problematic aspects of the hadith understood in the other form, the popularity of the hadith continued in Sufi circles unabated. In order to emphasise the closeness between man and God this hadith without paying particular attention to problematic implications – has continued to be constantly cited.

His influence on fiqh (Islamic Law) and medicine

The second area of scholarship in which Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] left written works was in law, jurisprudence. He made clarifications of certain particular problems, and dealt therefore on the foundations established by his predecessors particularly Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. There is a book surviving from Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] entitled ‘Fiqh al-Rida’ ‘The Jurisprudence of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]’. Thridly – medicine, a somewhat surprising category of knowledge to be encountered and cultivated by one of the Imams [AS]. There can however be found treatises on medicine attributed to Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], here to we find an echo to a predecessor Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], on whom are ascribed also a number of treatises on medicine. Those treatises however have been lost. If you go even further back in history, the Prophet [SAW] stood at the origin of a discipline which we know as ‘Tibb al-Nabawi’ ‘Prophetic Medicine’. We should bear in mind however that what we mean here by medicine in conjunction either with the Prophet [SAW] or the Imams [AS] is not a fully fledged science of medicine. It is rather an accumulation of particular remedies, and of preventive measures which taken together form a body of medical knowledge, not however a fully fledged medical system, they are however incorporated in traditional Islamic medicine. That is to say that precepts on medical matters stemming from the Prophet [SAW] and the Imams [AS] are to be found incorporated in the discipline of traditional Islamic medicine. It is not accidental at least from the Shi’i point of view that it is precisely at least two of the Imams [AS] who continued the tradition of medical knowledge established by the Prophet [SAW]. If you bear in mind that the Imamate defines itself in part at least through the inheritance and the propagation of the knowledge of the Prophet [SAW], then this fits perfectly into that picture – that is that the tradition of medical knowledge established by the Prophet [SAW] is pursued by them in particular.

The Imam [AS] is regarded as the Mujaddid (the renewer) by Sunni Islam

In these various areas Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] whilst in Madinah had a widespread appeal and influence beyond the immediate Shi’i community. One token of this is that he was regarded by many of the Sunni scholars of the age as the ‘renewer’ as the mujaddid. The concept of the Mujaddid or the renewer goes back to a hadith ascribed to the Prophet [SAW], found only in Sunni sources and not in Shi’i sources that

‘At the end or at the beginning of each period of 100 years Allah (SWT) will send to the Muslim community one who will renew for it, it’s religion (the religion in that age).’

Hence the title Mujaddid, renewer. Why this pair of alternatives – at the end or the beginning, because the word used in Arabic is ambiguous and could convey either meaning – ra’s. This most commonly means head and therefore you would think that this means the beginning but it is one of those words in the language which can convey two entirely opposite meanings, depending on the context – ra’s may mean the beginning or the end. In fact in the dispassionate and precise meaning of this hadith you find some scholars saying that what is meant is the end of each century and others saying the beginning of each century. In practical term however it makes very little difference. You may paraphrase it to say ‘at the turn of each century’ in other words either at the end of the outgoing century or the beginning of the new century a renewer will appear.
The idea of periodic renewal is an important one in Sunni religious history, it is worth emphasising that in the hadith it says ‘Allah (SWT) will send...’ this person will be sent. In the Quran there is the same word being used for the Prophet [SAW], this individual is therefore sent by Allah (SWT) and therefore has authority in a way comparable to the Prophet [SAW] himself, the mujaddid is not self appointed and nor is he appointed by his fellows, his contemporaries – he is sent just like his Prophet [SAW]. For reasons that are obvious this concept does not fit with the doctrinal positions of Shi’ism, because the functions of the innateness of the religious life of the community after the person of the Prophet [SAW] are fulfilled in a different fashion by different persons, namely the Imams [AS] of the Ahl al-bait [AS]. The relevance however to the topic today is the following, the Sunni scholars of the period had such high respect and veneration for Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] that they regarded him from their own particular doctrinal point of view as the mujaddid as the renewer of the 2^nd century of the Islamic era. Of course this did not extend to the Shi’ah community since the function and the position of the Imam [AS] as ma’sum is higher than that of the mujaddid.

His influence of Sufism

One other illustration of the radiation of his influence outside the Shi’ah community, strictly speaking, is the involvement of Sufis with him. Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib [AS] stands at the line of origin of most lines of Sufi descent, as is Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] to be found at the origin of a large number of lines – especially the Naqshabandiyyah, Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] the father of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] had links to two of the Sufis that were contemporary to him. We find this pattern repeated with Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] he is linked in both Sufi and Shi’i sources with a certain Ma’ruf al-Karkhi, al-Karkhi is an adjective indicating that he was from the Baghdad neighbourhood of Karkh – which at that time had become established as an area of Shi’i population in the Caliphal capital. Ma’ruf al-Karkhi was to begin with not a Muslim, he was a Christian and it was after an encounter with Imam Ali-al-Rida [AS] that he embraced Islam, and according to some accounts remained in his following for the remainder of his life, at least for the remainder of his life in Baghdad. The details of the meeting between Ma’ruf al-Karkhi and Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] differ from one account to another it is impossible to say precisely how the relationship was established but there seems not to be any reason to doubt the essential veracity of the relationship existing between them. On the other hand it is worth pointing out the Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] is the last of the Imams [AS] to appear in the initiatic chains of Sufism. The reason being is that from the time of his successor the 9^th Imam [AS] onwards, the conditions of surveillance and house arrest imposed upon the Imams [AS] made it virtually impossible for them to communicate with their own community let alone with the general body of Muslims. For this reason we do not find the presence of any of the names of the Imams [AS] after Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] in the initiatic chains of the lines of the Sufis. It is worth pointing out that a line of descent from Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] implies descent from all of his ancestors aswell going back to Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib [AS] – the lineage of the line of descent of the Imams [AS] is known in Sufism as the golden chain ‘Silsilah al-Dhahab’ i.e. although there are other chains of descent from the Prophet [SAW] – the chain which includes the first eight of the Imams [AS] has a particular value and is therefore designated as the golden chain. We have here an indication of how within the world of Sunni Islam respect for an awareness of the Imams [AS] of the Ahl al-bait [AS] was preserved and cultivated primarily by the Sufis.

His wide ranging knowledge of other religions demonstrated by the debate at Marw arranged by al-Ma’mun

One final point about the wide range and influence he seems to have had a wide knowledge not merely of every doctrinal and sectarian group amongst the Muslims but of non-Islamic religions also. This became plain when under the auspices of the Caliph Ma’mun a kind of debate between the dignitaries of different religions was organised in the city of Marv, it is now a decrepit village between the frontier of Turkmenistan and Afghanistan but in it’s day up till the Mongol invasions of the 13^th centuries was a major centre of culture and commerce in the eastern Islamic world. Ma’mun organised the debate between Muslim scholars, Sunni as well as Shi’ah, also Rabbis – there was something of a Jewish presence at this point in some regions of Central Asia – for example the city of Herat in now what is Western Afghanistan, which had a substantial Jewish community right down until the middle years of the 20^th century, Zoroastrianism which was very much a minority persuasion by this time but still had it’s representatives and adherents, also present were a variety of Christian sects – all of these were represented in the debate. When it is said ‘debate’ it should be clear what was at issue here, it was in fact a debate not an equanimical dialogue as in modern times in which alleged points of common belief are stressed in an atmosphere of vague mutual good will. The participants sought to vindicate their own positions and to demonstrate the fallacy of competing positions. There are no other accounts extant from the other participants of the debate, there are accounts in Abbasid histories, as well as the accounts in Shi’ah tradition – they show Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to have a clear and detailed knowledge not only of Islamic teaching and doctrines, but the teaching and traditions of the other religions.

The attempt by Ma’mun to combine the Imamate and the Caliphate and the possible reasons for him doing so

The Abbasids made efforts to provide themselves with a base for religious legitimacy one way that they did this was the adoption of codenames hinting at a particular relationship between themselves and God. Then also they patronised the codification of Islamic law, extended that patronage to individual scholars in an attempt to show that they were infinitely more pious than their predecessors but also in an attempt to detract from the continuing appeal of the Imams [AS] and the cause that they represented a view that was widespread amongst the Muslim community in general. They were continuously unsuccessful in this attempt to provide for themselves a firm base of religious legitimacy, they were plagued continuously by a perception of lack of religious legitimacy. Therefore Ma’mun in a surprisingly and imaginative although ultimately unsuccessful enterprise conceived of the idea of uniting the Abbasid lineage with the lineage of the Imams [AS] and thereby also uniting the institutions of the Imamate and the Caliphate which until then had remained separate in a state of uneasy coexistence. In the year 816 AD, when Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] was 46 years of age he received an invitation from the Abbasid Caliph Ma’mun to go to the city of Marw where the caliph was at that point resident. Initially the Imam [AS] was reluctant to go – partly because he had an idea of what was going to happen, an attempt on the part of the Caliph to co-opt him and to essentially integrate the institution of the Imamate in the tradition of the Abbasid Caliphs. He no doubt also had in mind what had befallen his father Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] when he under the auspices of the Abbasid Caliph had been compelled to leave Madinah.
Ma’mun however insisted and Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] left Madinah accompanied by agents of the Caliph, clearly to regulate and limit his interaction with the Muslims as he travelled from one city to another. From Madinah the party first went to Makkah. From Makkah they went across the desert and came to the traditional centres of Shi’ism in Southern Iraq – to Kufah and Basrah, then crossed what is today present day Iran and came to Nishapour. We know that he [AS] stayed a while there engaging in debate, discussion and scholarly interchange with the scholars of the city both Sunni and Shi’ah. Nishapour in Eastern Iran, is again at this point like Marw – an important place. Today it is probably secondary ranking city in Iran, according to population and in terms of population and general importance, at that period in time it was an extremely important place. Interesting to note that relations between the Sunni and Shi’ah communities in Nishapour where friendly enough and amicable enough for them to come jointly and engage in respectful discussion and scholarly interchange with Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]. From Nishapour he went to city of Sarakh, and from there to Marw. This journey of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] into what is of course now called Iran (of course no political unit of Iran existed at that time), the Iranian cultural sphere, marked the first presence of any of the Imams [AS] in Iran. The term Iran here is used as an anachronism, and not a clearly demarcated, political and geographical unit – the term is used in the cultural sphere indicated by the presence of the prevalence of the Persian language and a certain number of associated cultural traditions. Iran in fact considerably later about seven centuries later under the auspices of the Safavid Dynasty became the principle homeland of Shi’ism which it remains down till the present. But before Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] there had been no presence of the Imams [AS] however fleeting in Iran. There is only one exception to this and that is a legendary one – according to folklore in precisely the region of Nishapour Imam Ali [AS] had made a miraculous visit to this city at some point during his Imamate, and on the side of a mountain outside Nishapour there is a cavity in the rock which seems to resemble the shape of a human foot, and people say that this is the miraculous mark left by Imam Ali [AS] when he came to Nishapour. This is legendary, it however does have significance in that it can be taken to indicate a desire on the part of the Iranian people once they had made their definitive association with Shi’ism to project it back into the past i.e. to make a material and palpable link with the very first of the Imams [AS], Imam Ali [AS]. There are a large number of comparable examples in regions of the Islamic world that embraced Islam at a relatively late point in Islamic history – the desire to concoct some kind of link with the very earliest period. For example in China, there are tombs which are said to be tombs of the companions of the Prophet [SAW] who are said to have reached China already in his lifetime. Also in West Africa there is a tradition that a companion of the Prophet [SAW] made his way there and began the propagation of Islam already in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW]. Both these cases do not have historical foundation – but they speak of a desire to be associated with the very 1^st century of Islamic History, before the actual introduction of Islam, that came somewhat later in those regions.
But the first thorough introduction of Iran, into what can be called the sacred geography of Shi’ism comes with Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], with this particular journey – which proved to be a journey without return. When he reached Marw he was respectfully greeted by the Caliph al-Ma’mun, and in the presence of a large number of members of the Abbasid family al-Ma’mun declared him [AS] to be his successor, saying:-

‘In my family, I can see no-one worthier of succession than Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]’

This may have been an accurate statement of fact, but this was not the intentions of the Caliph. Why did al-Ma’mun attempt this imaginative venture of uniting the two lineages – the lineage of the Imams [AS] and the Abbasid lineage? And thereby a merging of the two offices of the Imamate and the Caliphate. Not because of sincere conviction, the proof of the absence of sincere conviction on the part of Ma’mun lies primarily in the ease with which he abandoned the project after substantial opposition from within the Abbasid house began to make itself apparent. The purpose was no doubt something political, designed to benefit Ma’mun himself. At this point in time there is an open and apparently uncomplicated declaration by Ma’mun that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] is to succeed him. Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] in keeping with the policy established by his ancestors the policy of quietism, not pressing the claim for actual political leadership hesitated for a full two months – but ultimately after a period of hesitation, signed a document indicating designation of himself to be Caliph after the death of Ma’mun. In some ways this is an interesting rehearsal of what happened between Mu’awiyah and Imam Hassan [AS]. In the case of Mu’awiyah and Imam Hassan [AS], in the pressure of circumstances Imam Hassan [AS] abdicated and agreed to accept the actual exercise of power by Mu’awiyah until Mu’awiyah himself should pass away whereupon the caliphate would revert to Imam Hassan [AS]. Although of course this did not happen. In this case we see that the Caliph obliges the Imam [AS], to accept being his successor – an outward similarity but interesting differences also between both cases. In order to underline this supposed alliance the future merger between the Caliphate and the Imamate – Ma’mun had two marriage alliances contracted – the sister of the Caliph became married to the Imam [AS], the daughter of the Caliph was married to the son of the Imam [AS]. And for good measure certain other changes were brought about, the official colour of the Abbasid state banner and the military uniform worn by the troops of the Abbasids was changed from black to green. Black having been the distinctive colour of the Abbasid banner since they first emerged in opposition against the Umayyads, and green being the distinctive colour of the Ahl al-bait [AS]. Coins were minted by Ma’mun which bore the name of Ma’mun and also the name of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his designated successor. This was a very elaborate project for the merger of the two lines.

Opposition emerged fairly quickly within the Abbasid family. It is necessary to look at the circumstances which had arisen for the presence of Ma’mun being in Marw, far away in Eastern Iran and at a distance from the Caliphal capital in Baghdad. After the death of Harun al-Rashid the caliph who had planned the death of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] a civil war had broken out between the Abbasids – between two of the sons – Amin and Ma’mun. Amin in Baghdad was more successful and gained control of the capital and was acknowledged as Caliph by most of the Abbasid family and was able to secure his rule over the western territories. Ma’mun by contrast fled eastwards, just like many of the descendants of the Imams [AS] had fled the Abbasids, the same path of flight was chosen by Ma’mun himself. He established himself in Iran, as a counter-Caliph as a rival to the Caliph in Baghdad. It may also be of some relevance that the mother of Ma’mun was Iranian so that there were some ancestral ties linking Ma’mun to Iran. It was not a clean division of territories between the two brothers, war continued between them and ultimately Ma’mun succeeded in overthrowing his brother. He captured Baghdad and established himself as the more or less undisputed Abbasid Caliph. It was at this point at which he had ridden himself of his brother and taken Baghdad that he came up with this project of uniting Imamate and Caliphate and appointing Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his successor.

It can be imagined that there were various reasons for him to do this. Firstly, it would enhance the legitimacy of the Abbasid Dynasty in the eyes of the pious members of the community. Instead of being the perennial enemies and persecutors of the Ahl al-bait [AS] they would now appear to be their protectors, even to defer to them in matters of succession. Also, insofar as Amin had been overthrown but nonetheless still had his supporters, to espouse the cause of the Imam [AS] provided him (Ma’mun) with an alternative base of support. For this reason alone it would be advantageous of Ma’mun to rely upon the goodwill of the followers of the Imam [AS]. The whole project however eventually comes to nothing, Ma’mun backtracks very quickly when opposition becomes furious – but a hypothetical question is worth raising at this point, if Ma’mun had not gone back on his promise to make Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] his successor at this relatively early point in Islamic history would the whole Sunni, Shi’ah question have been settled? Let us suppose that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] had succeeded to the caliphate, could we say that this gap which had opened up and was gradually growing wider could actually have been closed? This question is only hypothetical and cannot be answered with any certainty – we can say that the difference would have persisted, however it would not have had the same sharp and divisive nature that it subsequently acquired in the way that history actually did work out, for a variety of reasons. Firstly, the Imams [AS] enjoyed a widespread support throughout the communities even those that did not accept the entirety of the Shi’i doctrine concerning the Imamate – if the Imam [AS] had begun the actual exercise of power, moreover not through insurrection but by nomination by the existing caliph, then his position with respect to the whole community would have become stronger still as a matter of practicality. However this would have not defaced the difference between Sunnism and Shi’ism, because certain developments in law and theology had already taken place which certainly went back directly or indirectly to the whole question of successorship but not exclusively to that question, there were a large number of other considerations involved. The differences which had survived, the difference between Sunni and Shi’ah would have been differences not on the essential and overpowering issue of the actual present exercise of rule but differences on relatively secondary nature many of the details of law, interpretation of Quran and so forth. The difference would have remained but the divisiveness of it which was unfortunately to increase in later centuries might well have been avoided. This is supposing of course that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] would have acceded to the Caliph Ma’mun but his descendants in turn would also have been able to exercise rule which is a very large assumption.

Ma’mun backtracks on his appointment of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his successor and has him killed

Although the motivations of Ma’mun, were of a political nature – the very fact that he thought there was a feasible notion that Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] could be his successor this indicates that at the time some kind of union of reconciliation, a lessening of differences between the Sunni and the Shi’ah was a real possibility otherwise Ma’mun would not have entertained the idea in the first place. However none of this was to be, although it is an interesting question, it is entirely hypothetical. The supporters of Amin, the deposed brother of Ma’mun staged a comeback whilst Ma’mun was absent from Baghdad to depose him and install in his place his uncle Ibrahim, this took place in 817 AD. Less than a year after the appointment of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to the succession. Once Ma’mun found out what was underway in Baghdad he set out to depose of his uncle Ibrahim. He realised that the initiative that he had undertaken was not from a political point of view workable – the opposition in the Abbasid house was too strong. Almost immediately he effectively abandoned Imam Ali al-Rida [AS]. It is worth noting that when he left Iran to return to Baghdad he insisted on taking Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] with him. The party reached what used to be the city of Tus, roughly halfway between Marw and Nishapour. There Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] fell sick, three days later September 5^th 818 AD – Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] suddenly passed away. In just the same way as the appointment of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to the successorship can be exaplained entirely in terms of political expediency, likewise his death comes at a suspiciously convenient juncture for the Caliph Ma’mun. Because, Ma’mun realised that the project of the reunion, of merging of the two lineages was unworkable for no other reason than the opposition of the Abbasid Caliph. He could not impose his wishes upon them. On the other hand he could hardly revoke the nomination of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his successor. This would imply a loss of face towards the members of his own family, that he had been acting under duress, this would have compromised the image that he wanted to project when he was returning to Baghdad to overthrow his uncle. Also, revoking the nomination of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] would have been a provocation of the Shi’i community but also of a wider circle of believers that revered the Imams [AS] of the Ahl al-bait [AS]. Therefore the assassination of the Imam [AS] was from a political point of view an expedient measure to take.
There are varying versions of the fashion in which the Imam [AS] met his death according to the sanitised history provided by Abbasid historiographers he died because of an excessive indulgence of grapes, or it is said that he drank a glass of pomegranate juice which had been poisoned and served to him personally by the Caliph. It is the nature of things that the veracity of one particular account cannot be ascertained in the face of competition, the timing of the incident given all the political considerations suggests that he too was poisoned – one more Imam [AS] martyred by the Caliphs. The fact that Ma’mun was with overwhelming probability the murderer of the Imam [AS] did not prevent him from manifesting great sadness and mourning over the death of the Imam [AS]. In fact he insisted the following day after the death of the Imam [AS] of himself leading the funeral prayers. He had the Imam [AS] buried in the place of his death, by an interesting coincidence of history – next to the tomb of Harun al-Rashid. The place of burial of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] gave rise to the present day city of Mashhad, which is a major city in north-Eastern iran – Mashhad is a noun in Arabic meaning place of martyrdom. Originally the Mashhad – the place of burial of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] was a shrine, gradually however the shrine and environs expanded to such a degree that it completely effaced the former city of Tus. Now the city of Tus is a heap of ruins outside the city of Mashhad – and Mashhad is the major city of the area. The Mongols here also made their contribution in just the same way that they destroyed Marw – they also destroyed Tus so that is was never able to regain it’s former glory. Whereas the originally restricted area of Mashhad because of the continuing appeal of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] continually expanded until it became a city.

The influence of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to the sacred geography of Iran

As for the tomb of Harun al-Rashid which stood close to the tomb of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] this went out of existence because of the concepts of Tabarra and Tawalla, a practical expression of Tawalla and Tabarra for those in the early years making pilgrimage to the tomb of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] was not only to pay homage and respect to carry out a Ziyarah to Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] but also the opposite with respect to the tomb of Harun al-Rashid. Gradually the tomb of Harun al-Rashid thanks to the energy of generations of Shi’i pilgrims was destroyed and there is nothing left of it today. The significance of Mashhad for the religious history of Iran is considerable in that this was the first Imam [AS] that was to be buried on what subsequently becomes Iranian territory. It is worth pointing out that despite the generally negative developments of Sunni – Shi’ah relations in subsequent centuries the tomb of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] was expanded and attained it’s present architectural glory first under the rule of Sunni dynasties. The core of the architectural complex dates back to pre-Safavid times till the Timurid period. Even today it is found that some Sunni pilgrims from the easterly regions of Iran, from western Afghanistan would also come for pilgrimage to the tomb of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] to Mashhad. So it has become an extremely importance centre of pilgrimage for many Muslims.
The hostility between the Ottomans and the Safavids is of course well known, it began in the early 16^th century when the two empires were rivals and went constantly to war with each other and invoked scenes of sectarian hostility on virtually every occasion they did. In other words although the contest was about territory and resources, nonetheless each side came to be defending the true understanding of Islam. The Ottomans invoking Sunni Islam, and the Safavids invoking Shi’ism. One of the interesting continuities consists of the following, there was an Ottoman admiral commanding a fleet on his way to India in the Indian Ocean and his fleet was shipwrecked in the Indian Ocean – they were compelled to make their way back to Turkey overland through Iran. When the Admiral in question and his party reached Mashhad, he went on pilgrimage to the tomb of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], and composed a very interesting poem in Turkish pondering the Imam [AS], which showed that even though the centuries of sectarian warfare were underway – did not entirely eradicate this broad based veneration for the Imams [AS].

LECTURE 14


Synopsis


-Conditions at the time of the 9th, 10th and 11th Imams and how the Imams [AS] acted in anticipation and preparation of the occultation of the 12th Imam [AS].
-The institution of the Wikalah and the administration of the community.
-The death of the 9th Imam [AS], the Caliphate passes from al-Ma’mun to al-Mu’tasim to al-Wathiq then to al-Mutawakkil.
-A brief look at the Mu’tazali school of thought at that time and how some of their beliefs overlapped with those of the Shi’ah.
-The 10th Imam is forced to move to the new capital city of Samarra, as a result the institution of the wikalah is reorganised.
-A look at some of the works of the 10th Imam [AS] and the miracles attributed to him.
-The death of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], and Samarra is included in the sacred geography of Shi’ism.


Conditions at the time of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams and how the Imams [AS] acted in anticipation and preparation of the occultation of the 12^th Imam [AS]


The cult for respect for the twelve Imams [AS] of Shi’ism is seen to be compatible with a polemical hostility to Shi’ism itself on certain occasions and with certain personalities. As late as the 19^th century, there is a sufi when he arrived in Mashhad on his way to Kurdistan from India he composed two poems one in honour of Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], and one in condemnation of the Shi’i ‘Ulema of Mashhad without seeing any contradiction between these two, a complex and interesting topic.

The period in which the occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS], his disappearance from the physical plain is in some sense already anticipated, it can already be seen to be looming on the horizon. By this it is meant that the possibility to the access to the Imam [AS] on the part of his own community, let alone the broader Muslim community, becomes more and more restricted. So it is as if there is a gradual withdrawal of the Imam [AS] from the physical plain, from accessibility to his followers and to others. Interestingly enough the period in which this happens – the period of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS] is also the period in which the Abbasid Caliphate itself begins to in a number of ways to disintegrate. The caliphate is in decline as a viable political institution. And given the fact that these two processes occur apparently in parallel the question maybe asked that why did not the Imams [AS] attempt to benefit from the situation? In other words why given the continuing permanent claim to exclusive political legitimacy, did they and their followers not seek to vindicate that claim at a time of growing weakness on the part of the Abbasid caliphs? It is in some sense the same question that was posed on behalf of the sixth Imam [AS] Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq [AS] who lived towards the end of the Umayyad period, a period in which the Umayyads went into decline and the Abbasids had not fully established themselves. As it was seen he deliberately abstained from political activity, he [AS] did not seek to take advantage of an unsettled period. The answer is manifold, firstly the complete assimilation of taqiyyah had taken place by this period, both by the Imams [AS] themselves and by their followers. Taqiyyah is that principle of prudential dissimulation i.e. either concealing one’s identity as Shi’i or some aspect of Shi’i doctrine or practice under conditions of perceived danger, danger either for oneself or the Shi’i community at large, or most particularly for the Imams [AS] themselves. Taqiyyah as practiced by the Imams [AS] had the obvious consequence of political quiescence that is to say of not affirming publicly a claim to political legitimacy. On the one hand it was never denied and taken back and on the other it was never asserted actively. This principle was strongly emphasised by Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq [AS], and had been assimilated to such a degree that the assertion of a political claim would have constituted a break with a tradition established over several generations.

Some of this can be seen in the conduct of the Imams [AS] themselves, in the period in question. The 10^th Imam [AS] even when his followers came to meet him would rarely mix with them – he would rather delegate the duties of the Imamate even to some of his more prominent associates. Still more striking is that the 11^th Imam [AS] when he was visited by some of the Shi’ah did consent to talk to them but only from behind a curtain. The symbolism as well as the practical effect of this is very plain and that is that the Imamate is gradually withdrawing itself from the physical plain. Two concepts of Shi’ism – taqiyyah as practiced and understood in this period gradually merges into or leads to the Ghaibah. Taqiyyah, is understood to be not simply the political quietism but withdrawing oneself to a ceratin degree even from one’s own followers, that clearly is preparation for Ghaibah – the actual definitive absence of the Imam [AS] from the physical plain. Even among the Imams [AS] themselves there is a further assimilation of taqiyyah and even a further development of taqiyyah at this period which would be completely counter to any assertion of political authority to the wider Muslim community. It is as if there is an anticipation of Ghaibah as the allotted destiny of the Imamate. There are many hadith as it can be seen from the time of Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq [AS], and even earlier which foretell the Ghaibah, the withdrawal of the Imam [AS] from the physical plain.

If the broader political circumstances of the Abbasids are looked at, it is true that the power of the Abbasids is gradually slipping away. Outlying provinces asserted a de facto independence from the centre. It should not be concluded that these various factors and elements which were weakening the authority of the Abbasid Caliphate would have been favourable to the cause of the Imams [AS] to the cause of Shi’ism. In particular it is found that in the centre of the Caliphate itself the powers of the caliph were weakened by Turkish soldiers who had originally been bought in as slaves or mercenaries from Central Asia. But like many other groups of mercenaries they in the end established their supremacy over their former employers. It is found in many places that the Caliphs were only nominal rulers, the actuality of rule was undertaken by the Turkish solders. These Turkish soldiers coming from Central Asia were Sunni. In fact with a few significant exceptions it can be said that all Turkish dynasties in Islamic history have been Sunni, an example is the Ottoman Empire – there are even pseudo-hadith which testify to a kind of pre-eternal link between the Turks and Sunnism, or more particularly between the Hanafi School of Law. These Turks would be able to gain effective control over Baghdad all of them were Suuni. Therefore on one hand they deprived the Caliph of the actuality of his power. On the other hand they assert with great vigour the theoretical legitimacy of the Caliph. The same goes for the dynasties which established themselves in the outlying provinces of the Abbasid realm. Particularly in Eastern Iran, in Khurasan, where there was a growing Shi’i presence. Virtually all the dynasties which arose in Eastern Iran were Sunni in their sectarian affiliation and although they acted independently of the Caliph, they went through the motions of recognising him as the head of the Islamic world so the same paradox as the Turkish soldiers who were running affairs in Baghdad. On the one had they did as they pleased and on the other hand they contributed theoretically and nominally in reasserting the authority of the Abbasid Caliph.

There is however an important qualification to be made – among these dynasties that established themselves as effectively independent of the Abbasids you also find two dynasties which are Shi’i in their sectarian affiliations – The Buwayhids or sometimes also known as Buyids, and then the Hamadanis. Of these two the Buwayhids are more important. They originated from the lands of the southern shores of the Caspian Sea which had been relatively late in accepting Islam because of natural barrier posed by the Alborz Mountains – it was difficult at that time to cross from the Iranian Plateau into these remote regions. When Islam did arrive there it was under the auspices of Shi’i refugees who were undergoing Abbasid persecution and in this area you find both Zaidi and Twelver Shi’is and it is from this area that the Buwayhid Dynasty originates. It was probably in it’s beginnings Zaidi in it’s affiliations (believed in the Imamate of Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-‘Abidin, the half brother of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]). In the course of time they became mainstream Shi’ahs. They started their campaign by gaining control of Western Iran and then the Abbasid capital itself, putting an end to the dominance of the Turkish mercenaries. You might have thought that this would have furnished them with an ideal opportunity for putting and end to rule by the Abbasid Caliphs, the fact that they did not do so and went through the motions of recognising the Abbasid Caliphs as legitimate it extremely significant. It means that by this time the Shi’ah community had established itself as a minority within the overall body of Islam, which has it’s own distinctive law, theology and view of the Imamate – it did not however primarily mean an active ongoing claim to rule over the entire Muslim community that had to be vindicated. So it can be seen here how taqiyyah played itself out in the political affairs of the time, a Shi’i dynasty did not see any alternative to the formal recognition of the Abbasid Caliph as legitimate ruler, or possibly the question did not even arise in their minds.

We do see that the rule of the Buwayhids over western Iran and Baghdad did result in patronage of some Shi’i institutions and scholars. It is during the rule of the Buwayhids in Baghdad that the first public commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain [AS] in Kerbala in the Caliphal capital had become possible under the protection of the Buwayhids. On the other hand the Buwayhids were pragmatic in their exercise of rule – whenever sectarian riots between Sunnis and Shi’is broke out in Baghdad which threatened public order then the Buwayhids would move in and indiscriminately repress both Sunnis and Shi’is alike. One physical consequence of the emergence of the Shi’i community as a minority within overall body of Islam was the existence of residential patterns of segregation. So for example Shi’is in Baghdad but also those in Iran that had a mixed population of Shi’i and Sunnni would live separately – not necessarily because of mutual hostility or repulsion but in the natural order of affairs – after all a traditional locality in an Iranian or in a Muslim city would be grouped around the principal place of worship the mosque and of course Sunnis tend to pray together and Shi’is tend to pray together there being difference in the way that the prayer is performed.

Another Shi’i dynasty of this period i.e. during the dissolution of the Abbasid Caliphate is the Hamdanid Dynasty which had two branches – one which was based in Mosul in Northern Iraq, and another in Allepo in Northern Syria. Unlike the Buwayhids they never got as far as Baghdad and therefore did not have direct control overall and interaction with the Abbasid Caliphs. The dynasty was derived from a tribe of originally Christian Arabs who had migrated to the areas of Northern Iraq and Northern Syria in the time of the early Muslim conquests. It is worth pointing out that participating in the early Muslim conquests of Syria and Iraq were certain Christian Arab tribes – and this was in the time of the Second Caliph ‘Umar. Although the great bulk of the army consisted of Muslims there were a number of Christians aswell. The ancestors of the Hamdanid dynasty seem to have made a direct transition from Christianity to Shi’ah Islam. Mosul even in that time was not an important centre of Shi’ism. Allepo however which is today maybe exclusively a Sunni city was at that time a centre of Shi’ism, nowadays only in the villages around Allepo do you find some Shi’i communities.

There was a gradual transition of the part Imams [AS] into conditions which seemed to hint at the proximity of taqiyyah. There was a gradual weakening of the Abbasids but not in a way which would see the gradual vindication of the Shi’i cause. Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] was the Ninth Imam [AS] also known as Muhammad al-Jawwad [AS]. Al-Taqi – means the pious, al-Jawwad means the generous. He was born in 810 AD of the Chrisitan era in the city of Madinah to an African mother from the region of Nubia. When his father Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] in response to the Caliph Ma’mun left for Khurasan he remained behind in Madinah. When his father was martyred in 817 AD Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] became the Imam [AS] and inherited the Imamate. On the death of his father under extremely exceptional conditions in that he was only seven to eight years old at the time, so as if the various complications that had beset the succession in the lines of the Imams [AS] already were not enough the Shi’i community had to confront the potentially problematic situation - that of a child Imam [AS]. From a purely theoretical point of view the problem was not that great, in that as it has been seen even the earlier Imams [AS] were attributed with great feats of piety and scholarship even in childhood. Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] was said to have memorised the Quran in just three days. In addition to that if the question was asked and no doubt it was asked both within and without the Shi’ah community how could a child of seven years of age have that high, exceptional degree of knowledge that was exceptional to the exercise of the Imamate then the answer was ready, that precisely the act of nomination by the predecessor (nass) was co-terminus with the transmission of knowledge. In the same way that the degree of knowledge possessed by the Imam [AS] is exceptional and extraordinary in the strict sense of the word likewise the mode of transmission of that knowledge is also extraordinary, it is different from the normal processes of study and diligence and the acquisition of knowledge in that way. In addition to this argument that the knowledge would be transmitted by means of the nass, by means of the nomination not by way of formal instruction, attention was also drawn to the fact that the Quran tells us that Jesus already proclaimed his Prophethood in infancy, in fact immediately upon birth – there are numerous verses in the Quran in which Jesus spells out the nature of his mission and the purpose for which he is being born immediately upon his birth. So if an analogy is to be entertained it is said that likewise the Imam [AS] who was at least seven years of age, not an infant when he succeeded to the Imamate also had some consciousness of his task and some preparation for it. So theoretically in terms of doctrine the matter might be explained.


The institution of the Wikalah and the administration of the community


There remained however the practical problem for the administration of the community. Already the administration of the community was rendered difficult by the surveillance to which the Imams [AS] had been subjected in earlier time and the difficulty for the access to the Imam [AS]. Now clearly having a child as the Imam [AS] did not facilitate matters. However precisely the difficulties that the previous Imams [AS] had been subject to did in a way prepare the community for what now befell them. In other words the actual business of administering the community fell to not the person of the Imam [AS] but rather to a network of agents that acted in his name and on his behalf. This was already the case at a much earlier period in Shi’i history. We can probably trace a network of agents acting on behalf of the Imam [AS] way back to the Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and it becomes fully recognisable in the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] and grows thereafter. There was also a network of agents that worked in conjunction with Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]. As part of a conspiracy against Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] it was said that the network of agents had an insurrectionary nature and purpose and that the Imam [AS] using these agents was preparing for the overthrow of the Abbasid Caliphate. The agents however fulfilled a different purpose, these agents were engaged in the collection of Khums – that distinctive tax the payment of which constituted a token of loyalty on the part of the Shi’i belief to the Imam [AS], and also the payment of the Zakah. The payment of Zakah is a general Muslim obligation and is not exclusively a Shi’i tax like the Khums a tax which is levied on certain types of accumulated property. In early Shi’ism whilst the Imams [AS] were alive the Zakah was to be paid if not to them in person then to their appointed agents for forwarding on to the Imam [AS] who would in turn disperse the money.

Some of the agents – not all of them also had a teaching function. The agents would convey the teachings of the Imams [AS] on certain matters and when guidance on a particular legal problem was sought from the Imam [AS] then they would forward the query to the residence of the Imam [AS] for his answer. Thirdly, there was a kind of judiciary function – what can be inferred from some of the hadith of the Imams [AS] that there must have been a separate judicial system . The name for this institution i.e. the institution of these agents is known as Wikalah. That is the institution of having many representatives of the Imams [AS] in various parts of the Muslim world where Shi’is live. The abstract name for this institution is the Wikalah and the name of individual representatives is Wakil. In a very concrete sense the Wikalah prepares the community for what is to occur after the occultation of the 12^th Imam [AS]. Once the Imam [AS] was no longer there then the Wikalah was already in place and able to function and fulfil at least some of the functions that had been previously fulfilled by the Imams [AS]. Some of the Wakils that were operating in the time of the Imams [AS] before the occultation, carried over into the period after the occultation – there is therefore is an element of continuity provided not only by the institution of the Wikalah but also by some of the individual Wakils.

Soon after the death of his father, he [AS] [the 9^th Imam [AS]] was in accordance with the pattern that has been seen brought from Madinah to Baghdad. He was after all a child at the time and did not have any say in the matter, but he [AS] would not have anticipated any kind of favourable behaviour from Ma’mun, who was still at this point the Caliph. Ma’mun was that person who had gone through the motions of nominating Imam Ali al-Rida [AS] as his successor, and then when the project met with difficulty he put him to death. It seems that Ma’mun may have wanted to keep open even at this late stage the option of merging the Imami and the Abbasid lineages, and thereby also creating a merging of the institutions of the Imamate and the caliphate because one of the acts in which he engaged was a token of hospitality in giving one of his daughters in marriage to the Imam [AS]. It must have been some time till the marriage was consummated given the fact that Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] at this point was still a child, however the marriage was ultimately consummated and offspring occurred from this marriage.


The death of the 9^th Imam [AS], the Caliphate passes from al-Ma’mun to al-Mu’tasim to al-Wathiq then to al-Mutawakkil


After eight years spent in Baghdad, Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] was permitted to return from Baghdad to Madinah. In the year 833 AD the caliph Ma’mun died and was succeeded by the caliph Mu’tasim. Ma’mun meant ‘the one given safety by God’, Mu’tasim means ‘the one who holds firmly onto Divine Protection’. So the tradition of religious nomenclature with religious meaning is maintained. Mu’tasim seems not to have had the ambiguous attitude of his predecessor towards the Imams [AS]. He very soon after the death of his predecessor had Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] bought back to Baghdad and in that very same year he died, whilst enjoying Abbasid hospitality he died at the very early age of 25. This combination of circumstances makes it extremely probable that from a purely historiographical point of view the Imam [AS] was poisoned by the Abbasid Caliph after an extremely brief exercise of the Imamate. Some of the accounts attribute the act of poisoning to the Abbasid wife given to him by al-Ma’mun. One consequence of this was that yet again the Imamate was confronted yet again with the problem of having a child Imam [AS]. Afterall Imam Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] had died at the age of 25 years and he did not therefore have any adult offspring. His successor to the Imamate – Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] was indeed an infant at the time. He had been born in the year 829 AD in Madinah.

The early life of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] in Madinah was similar to that already encountered with a number of Imams [AS]. He devoted himself to learning an worship having a greater degree of access to the community than his short-lived father. He was in fact able to survive the inauspicious period of Mu’tasim’s exercise of the Caliphate. He was also able to survive the successor of Mu’tasim – al-Wathiq meaning ‘the trusted one’. The problems of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] begin with his successor al-Mutawakkil. Al-Mutawakkil came to the throne in 846 AD and exercised rule until 861 AD. He abandoned the somewhat ambiguous policy of his predecessors with respect to the Imams of the Ahl al-bait [AS]. He was from the outset extremely hostile, open in his display of hostility to the Imams [AS] and relentless in persecuting their followers. It can be said that from an ideological point of view his purpose was to re-emphasise the exclusively Sunni nature of the Caliphate, as conceived of at that time in what it implied. In doing this and it cannot be dismissed that he believed he was doing the right thing, but it is probable that he had a political purpose in mind. Given the disintegration of the Caliphate and the loss of the actual exercise of power even within the capital itself he may have thought that to re-emphasise the legitimacy of the Caliphate as an emphatically Sunni institution was one way to recoup the losses that the Caliphate had undergone. If he was to appear as the champion of Sunni Islam then his claim might receive credence and some people might accordingly become more obedient and submissive to him.

It should also be understood in evaluating the Caliphate of al-Mutawakkil in his policies the general intellectual climate of the period. In talking of the Sunni – Shi’i divide which is of course the primary concern of this talk we run the risk of imagining that this is the only issue, in point of fact there were a number of issues religio-political that were under dispute. Part of what Mutawakkil is reacting against is not simply the overtures that his predecessors had made towards Shi’ism and the Imams [AS], it is also some other tendencies also. The removal of Ma’mun had been characteristic of the rise of the Mu’tazili school of theology which is generally although misleadingly characterised as a rationalist school of thought. Once the word ‘rationalist’ is used then it implies maybe rationalism of the contemporary type which is an exclusive reliance of reason in the conception of truth and the rejection of revelation as constituting evidence of truth in and of itself, and this is not what is at issue. It is however true to say that the Mu’tazali did lay heavy stress on the use of reason as a method for the attainment of truth and without examining their positions in detail that which became most controversial was their assertion that the Quran is created. In other words that the Quran originated certainly as a Divine Book, that it was created by God at a certain point in time or to be more precise over a period of time. After all the revelation of the Quran to the Prophet [SAW] extends over a period of 23 years. It is the belief of every school of thought other than the Mu’tazlis that the Quran is not a created book that although the revelation of the book takes place in time the essence of the book is not created, as it is the Divine Word it is eternal. In the period of al-Ma’mun this became the official dogma of the Caliphate, persons of authority and prominence who held an opposing view were imprisoned and persecuted.


A brief look at the Mu’tazali school of thought at that time and how some of their beliefs overlapped with those of the Shi’ah


The period of rule of al-Mutawakkil is a reaction not only against the ambiguous policies of the previous Abbasid Caliphs towards Shi’ism and the Imams [AS] it is also a reaction to this deviant school of thought what in the overall context of Islamic history, what must be regarded as a deviant school of thought. Therefore there is a resurrection of Sunni Orthodoxy on two fronts vis-à-vis the Mu’tazilis and also vis-à-vis Shi’ism and the Ahl al-bait [AS]. Before the subject of the Mu’tazili school is left in order to illustrate again that issues are not clearly separate and that these various currents interact with each other, although Shi’ism definitely rejects the notion of a created Quran still there was some influence of Mu’tazili kalam on Shi’i kalam, there was some important overlap on some important questions. For example the inerrancy of the prophets (‘ismah) – the divine protection of the Imams [AS] and also of the prophets to whom the Imams [AS] succeed from the commission of error and sin. The most common traditional Sunni position on the matter is that it is rationally possible that prophets should in certain matters have used their personal judgement, and since personal judgement is fallible they might have fallen into error and they are therefore not in possession of the quality of ‘ismah, there are further nuances to the position but this is the stance basically. Having said that it is rationally possible to consider the office of Prophethood without infallibility as the concomitant of Prophethood, it is to be entertained as an outside possibility that the Prophets did depend on personal judgement and therefore fell into the possibility of error - on this they call judgement. It may in conclusion therefore be a pointless and abstract and ultimately useless argument, however it is of some significance. The Mu’tazili theologians like their Shi’i counterparts insisted on the absolute infallibility of the Prophets. This is another area of commonality between Mu’tazili kalam and Shi’ism – that it is not rationally conceivable that the Prophets should be subject to error.

Then connected with the above is the concept of ‘lutf’ which has the basic meaning in Arabic of ‘favour’ or ‘kindness’. What it means in the terminology of Shi’i and Mu’tazili kalam is that God as a matter of his favour to humanity, his ‘lutf’ provides it with infallible guides in the first place the Prophets and then their successors the Imams [AS]. There are also other consequences of this doctrine. Therefore the Sunni – Shi’i question is not the only one on the intellectual agenda of the time. Such was the hostility of al-Mutawakkil towards the Shi’ah that in the year 851 AD he had the tomb of Imam Hussain [AS] in Kerbala destroyed. At this point a fairly extensive shrine had already come into be and next to it a cemetery for those wishing to be buried in the proximity of Imam Hussain [AS]. Al-Mutawakkil had the building destroyed and the surrounding cemetery ploughed over. It is therefore not surprising that al-Mutawakkil had Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] in accordance with Abbasid precedence brought from Madinah to the Caliphal capital. The governor of Madinah and of course an appointee of al-Mutawakkil had sent a report that in the house of the Imam [AS] he had found weapons, a stash of money and what he called ‘prohibited writings’. A guess may be hazarded that the prohibited writings in question were works written by and inherited from the earlier Imams [AS] and as for the money this would have not doubt been the Khums and Zakah collected by the network of agents and forwarded for dispersement by the Imam [AS]. In terms of weapons – one of the external tokens of the Imamate is held to be a number of weapons first possessed by the Prophet [SAW] and Imam Ali [AS] and then passed on from one generation to the next both as a legacy from the Prophet [SAW] and also it may be thought as a symbolic indication that ultimately the cause of the Imamate will be vindicated by armed struggle and force. So there is no reason to doubt the accuracy of this report that weapons, money and prohibited writings were found in the house of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], although the interpretation to which this report was put is another matter that he was preparing for insurrection. Therefore the same kind of report that was prepared in condemnation of Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] in an earlier period. Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] wrote to Mutawakkil saying that he did not have insurrectionary intentions but the Caliph responded to him that nonetheless it would be advisable for him to leave Madinah and to come to Baghdad. From Baghdad the Imam [AS] was obliged to move to the new Abbasid capital at Samarra. A city in Northern Iraq.


The 10^th Imam is forced to move to the new capital city of Samarra, as a result the institution of the wikalah is reorganised


For a variety of reasons the Caliph al-Mutawakkil decided to move his capital from Baghdad to this northern new city of Samarra. The reasons are not entirely plain, this move is maybe tied to his ideological problem in that he wanted to move away from Baghdad with the accumulation of intrigues and ambiguities that were associated with the city and to make a new beginning on the basis of a firmly asserted Sunni Orthodoxy in the new location. And it may also have been simply an example of megalomania often found in history when a ruler is dissatisfied with his capital and decides to establish an entirely new one at great expense and in a different location. The Shah just a couple of years before his overthrow also had the idea of an entirely new capital, he wasn’t happy with Tehran even though it had four or five palaces to accommodate him, he decided to build a new capital which was to be known as Shahistan, the place of the Shah some distance outside Tehran. But the revolution came before the plans came off the drawing board. Therefore what is at issue here maybe little more than an earlier instance of architectural megolamania on the part of rulers with too much money to spend.

Once al-Mutawakkil moved from Baghdad to Samarra he insisted that the Imam [AS] should accompany him, or that is to say that he should remain there in Samarra under al-Mutawakkil’s immediate surveillance. It seems that the Imam [AS] was at least able to move around the city he was not literally confined to his house and to have some contact with the scholars in the city. But beyond that he had no extensive contact with his own following. However one advantage of this relatively isolated situation was that he was able to reorganise the all important insitution of the Wikalah - the agency. The fact may be drawn too that one of the agents who he nominated at this time was a certan Uthman al-’amri. There are two things to be noticed about Uthman al’amri, firstly that he has the name Uthman which is the name of the third caliph. Although this is unthinkable in contemporary terms for a Shi’i to use or give his offspring the name Uthman because of it’s association with the third Caliph, who is viewed like the first two Caliphs as a usurper. However this segragation by name had not yet fully taken root. So that not simply a member of the community but a prominent member of the community could without causing eyebrows to be raised be named Uthman. The second and more important thing to be noted is that Uthman al-’amri outlived Imam Muhammad al-Hadi [AS] and became an agent for the 11^th Imam [AS] and beyond that also one of the named representatives of the Hidden Imam [AS] after the beginning of the occultation. So we see here in a concrete sense encapsulated in the period of a single person how there was continuity from the period of the Imamate to the period of the occultation. How the institution of the agency of the named representative continued from one period to another.


A look at some of the works of the 10^th Imam [AS] and the miracles attributed to him


Al-Mutawakkil died in the year 861 AD and was succeeded by a number of short-lived Caliphs whose names don’t need to be mentioned. In the year 868 AD two Caliphs took office in quick succession al-Mu’taz and al-Mu’tamid. Because the exact date of death of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] is unknown despite the fact that it was in this fateful year of 868 AD it is not sure which of the two Caliphs was responsible again for poisoning an Imam [AS]. It seems probable that it was the first of the two al-Mu’taz. The Imam [AS] at this time was 39 years of age, and had been the Imam [AS] for a period of 33 years, a relatively lengthy tenure except of course that for the early part of it he had been a child and even then later when he was of mature years he had had little contact with the community and therefore little ability to have impact upon it. Nonetheless Shi’ah tradition tells us a number of significant facts about the Imamate of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS]. Firstly that he wrote a number of treatises - the text of one of which has survived and this is a treatise on the all important subject of free will versus predestination which is of course a general problem in Islamic theology whether a man in his acts enjoys unfettered free will or are the acts pre-determined in an absolute sense. Clearly this is a question of such importance that it had been raised and discussed by the Imams [AS] earlier in the line of the Imamate. After all it might be argued and in fact has been argued still if man is absolutely free then what is the scope of the Divine Will, on the other hand if man is entirely predestined for his acts then how can he be held morally responsible and therefore subject to punishment for sin, obviously it is a very important question. The Shi’ah position on the matter had first been summarised by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in the formula that there is neither absolute predestination nor absolute free will rather something in between them. This might appear to be a very evasive and unsatisfactory formula. In other words neither of them (absolute free will or pre-destination) taken in isolation represents the truth rather the truth must be something inbetween. In other words it does not view them as polar opposites, irreconcilable opposites but rather as two aspects of the same truth. That being the case it again remains of course to identify the fashion in which these two apparent opposites are in fact aspects of one and the same truth. Man is indeed free this is a matter of common sense and everyday experience, most of our acts are indeed free, so clearly there is the reality of free will even in everyday life. Likewise one can deduce from everyday experience that indeed certain matters are predetermined i.e. that not everything before us for good or for ill is a result of our choice even as the indirect or ultimate result of our choice. There are certain parameters to the sphere in which free will can be exercised. That only scratches the surface of the matter which is an extremely complex and important one. One of the major treatises in exposition of it is by Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS].

Also attributed to Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] is an unusual number of what may be called miraculous deeds. One of the matters held in common between the Prophets and the Imams is the performance of miraculous deeds except that the miraculous deeds are designated in Arabic by a different word from the miracles of the Prophets, the functions of the mircales is different in each case. The function of a Prophetic miracle is the vindication of his mission, that is whoever sees the miracle being performed by the Prophet will thereby become more predisposed to pay attention to what the Prophet is saying. A miraculous deed performed by one of the Imams [AS] is rather a sign of Divine Generosity to Him, to the Imam [AS] it is not that his status as Imam [AS] is dependent upon a miracle or is even to be openly proclaimed, or him gaining credibility by that miracle it is rather a personal matter, a personal favour, an act of generosity towards the Imam [AS] in question. And all of the Imams [AS] have various miracles ascribed to them. And miracles are particularly numerous with respect to Imam al-Hadi [AS]. He has said to have transformed dust into gold for the benefit of one of his impecunious followers, and there are other miracles. Whether or not it is a miracle - but Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] is said to have known a large number of languages without having gone through formal instruction in those languages he is said to have known Persian this is not surprising and entirely inconceivable even in conventional terms, then what is described as the languages of the Slavs, the Indians and the Africans. What is meant here is vague in that clearly not all Slavs have the same language, nor do all Indians or all Africans but no more precise explanation is given. Irrispective of this lack of precision it seems to be significant that the knowledge of these wide range of languages is attributed to the Imams [AS], because for many generations as it has been seen the Imams [AS] took wives from a wide variety of ethnic backgrounds so it is entirely conceivable that in the household of the Imams [AS] various languages in addition to Arabic were spoken and were passed on from one generation to the next. Generally speaking however Imam Ali al-Hadi’s [AS] knowledge his polyglotability is not ascribed to these identifiable circumstances but into the wide and miraculous range of his knowledge.


The death of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], and Samarra is included in the sacred geography of Shi’ism


After his assasination, his poisoning most probably at the hands of al-Mu’taz in 868 AD Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] was buried in the new Caliphal capital of Samarra and again in keeping with Abbasid tradition not the Caliph but his brother lead the funeral prayers for the Imam [AS] the next day. The burial of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] in Samarra added another city to the sacred geography of Shi’ism it has already been mentioned that in the places of burial and ultimately of pilgrimage of the Imams [AS] now a new city is added. The successor to Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] the last of the Imams [AS] on the visible plain is also buried in this city. The successor to Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] is Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS], the word Askari goes back to the Arabic word Askar which is ultimately the Arabacization of the Persian word Lashkar meaning Army, but hear it means the Armed character. Why is the 11^th Imam [AS] called al-Askari? Also sometimes Ali al-Hadi [AS] has this designation appended to his name because these two Imams [AS] were kept not simply in the city of Samarra but rather in the royal camp, in the military camp under the surveillance of the Caliph. The 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS] are therefore designated as al-Askari but particularly Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] to distinguish himself from the second Imam - Imam Hassan [AS]. Samarra therefore becomes the place of burial of the 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS]. It never however attains the same importance as a centre of pilgirmage and learning as various other cities that have been encountered.

There are two reasons for this, firstly because these two Imams [AS] although intrinsically having the same rank as all of the other Imams [AS] were because of the circumstances of the time unable to have the same interaction with and impact upon the community as there predecessors. Therefore it is not that they are being ignored but they do not have the same substantial presence in the consciousness of the Shi’i community as there is with most of the other Imams. Secondly Samarra lies to the far north of Iraq away from the places of burial of the Imams [AS] it is distant from Najaf, Kerbala and from Kazimain. It is in Kazimain that Muhammad al-Taqi [AS] alongside Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS] is buried. Kerbala, Najaf and Kazimain are relatively easy to visit, Samarra is far distant to the north. Thirdly the population of Samarra is now and always has been overwhelmingly Sunni there is very little indigenous Shi’i population in the city and it has not played an important role in the history of Shi’i scholarship with the exception of a rather brief interval towards the close of the 19^th century. However this is one more of the cities of Shi’ism to which occasionally pilgrimage is made.

LECTURE 15

Synopsis

- Circumstances for the Shi’ah at the time of the 11th Imam [AS]
- Ja’far the liar
- The death of the 11th Imam [AS] and the attempt to keep the birth of his son Imam Muhammad Mahdi [AS] hidden.
- Traditions concerning the number of the Imams being twelve and the occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS]
- The birth of the 12th Imam [AS]
- The different groups that emerged, and ultimately the emergence of the normative belief that there were twelve Imams and the Twelth had gone into occultation.

Circumstances for the Shi’ah at the time of the 11^th Imam [AS]

The 11^th Imam [AS] had an offspring who after a relatively short period disappeared from the physical plain in what is called the occultation. Before considering the life and circumstances of the 11^th Imam [AS] a few additional remarks can be made concerning the immediate background, the circumstances of the Shi’ah in general, the institution of the Imamate in particular in this period, the period of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS], the period leading up to the occultation. In this period there was an increased persecution of the Shi’ah community and an increasingly harsh and intrusive surveillance to which the Imams [AS] were subjected. One or two additional details may prove useful in illustrating the point – during the reign of al-Mutawakkil the caliph who was responsible for killing Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] the Shi’ah community was not permitted to ride a horse or a mule. This may appear to be a somewhat obscure and curious prohibition, reminiscent of some of the prohibitions enacted by the Taliban in Afghanistan, pointless and at the same time somewhat comical. This would lead to the fact that the Shi’ah would have to ride donkeys and this is a sign of low social status. At this time there were certain movements of insurrection on the part of the Shi’ah community over a wide area. In the year 825AD there was a tax revolt in the city of Qum, the earliest and most important stronghold of Shi’ism in Iran. And although this revolt was not instigated by the Imam [AS] of the time and nor even can it be shown to have enjoyed his support, his local representative, his wakil, was involved in this uprising. This shows maybe two things that firstly – a potential for insurrection (despite the consistent emphasis on taqiyyah for many generations) did exist in the community itself. Secondly, if the wakil himself acted independently of guidance or even in defiance of instructions from the Imam [AS], this shows how the institution of the wakil, the agency, was in a sense unconsciously preparing itself for the responsibilities that would fall to it after the beginning of the occultation.

In addition the uprising in Qum, in the year 864 AD, another series of uprisings all of them minor in scope, but nonetheless indicating a continuing insurrectionary tendency amongst some elements in the Shi’ah community despite the political quietism of the Imams [AS]. In that one year we find uprisings in Kufah – the traditional centre of Shi’ism in Iraq, it was there of course that Imam Ali [AS] had established his capital and suffered his martyrdom, in Egypt, and notice at this period there is in Egypt a Shi’ah community which of course was not the case later, in the Hijaz – in Makkah and Madinah, and in certain regions of Iran not only in Qum but elsewhere. In Iran we see in these Shi’ah uprisings some overlap with the Zaidis – who espoused the cause of Zaid ibn Ali Zain al-‘Abidin, the son of the 4^th Imam [AS] – who laid claim to the Imamate in opposition to his half brother Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS]. There are significant doctrinal differences between these two wings of the Shi’i movement. The important point to note is that in Iran particularly at this time there was an overlap between the two groups, and the insurrectionary tendencies which lay at the very basis of Zaidi Shi’ism which rejected the quietism of the Imams [AS] seems to have found some echo within the twelver community. This also should be borne in mind as part of the background for the final years of the Imamate in the sense of an institution physically present on Earth. There is in this period evidence of intolerance and even paranoia on the part of the Abbasid Caliphs, but also evidence of widespread existence of the Shi’ah community with some occasionally surfacing insurrectionary tendencies.

Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] was forced to reside in the Caliphal military camp in the new Abbasid capital of Samarra in Northern Iraq, askar having that meaning in the Arabic of that time of ‘camp’. Therefore Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] known as such because of his forced residence in that military camp. He was born however not at the camp at Samarra but in Madinah in one of the traditional centres of Shi’ism and a place where numerous numerous of the Imams [AS] had lived. He was born in Madinah in 232 AH, 846 AD the identity of his mother is not known i.e. from what ethnic origin she originated. He was taken to Samarra by his father Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] when he was summoned there by the Caliph in 848 AD, when he was three years old he was obliged to bid a permanent farewell to Madinah. In the city of Samarra he was never permitted to leave and on the contrary he was compelled to report to the Abbasid authorities twice a week – on Mondays and Thursdays in order to set the mind of the Caliphal authorities at rest that he was not engaged in any more significant activity. He was predeceased by his elder brother and was said to have been nominated as successor to Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] some four months before the death of the 10^th Imam Ali [AS] in 254 AH, 868 AD, when he was about 22 years of age.

Ja’far the liar

At this we see the phenomenon of not precisely a child Imam as had been the case with the two immediate predecessors, but an Imam not as yet fully experienced and of a relatively low age and his uncle Ja’far thought it appropriate to claim the Imamate in his stead. As it has been seen the transition from virtually every Imam [AS] to the next was followed by some degree of disagreement and splintering within the Shi’ah community and the succession of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] from Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] was not exception. On this occasion it is worth mentioning the identity of one of the rivals i.e. Ja’far, because his role, his maleficent role continued until the period of the Twelth Imam [AS]. In order to substantiate his claim he sought the support of the Abbasid Caliphs and presented himself therefore as a reliable informant on the potentially insurrectionary elements within the Shi’ah movement and insofar as he was aware of what was transpiring revealed the inner dealings of the household of the Imams [AS] to the Caliph. This is one reason for the initial confusion surrounding the question of whether the 11^th Imam [AS] did indeed have a son and under what circumstances and what time had the son been born. Ja’far because of this inauspicious role is known as Ja’far al-Kadhdhab – Ja’far the Liar.

The death of the 11^th Imam [AS] and the attempt to keep the birth of his son Imam Muhammad Mahdi [AS] hidden

The principle contact between Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] and his followers was established by the principal wakil of the day, already mentioned because of his activity in the time of the preceding Imams [AS] Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari. He like Ja’far also provides an element of continuity between the presence of the 12^th Imam [AS] and the occultation that then follows. Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] fell sick in the month of Rabi al-Awwal of 210 AH and died eight days later this corresponded to December 874 AD. He is said to have been poisoned by the doctors that were sent by the Abbasid Caliph of the day, ostensibly to cure him. And then in accordance with the scenario as of previous occasions – a prominent member of the Abbasid family the next day led the funeral prayers of the Imam [AS]. He was buried next to his father in the city of Samarra in Northern Iraq. Before passing on to the all important question of his son Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS], there are certain written works ascribed to Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS]. A complete commentary on the Quran has been ascribed to him, the correctness of this however although traditionally accepted has been disputed by a number of authoritative, contemporary Shi’i scholars. It is probable that the tafsir is not written by him but by a later scholar. The content of the tafsir does no doubt accurately reflect the Shi’i teachings of the Imams [AS] on the verses of the Quran. Secondly, there is a collection of the sermons of the 11^th Imam [AS], and his wise sayings. The fact that we have sermons attributed to him means that despite the surveillance to which he was subjected in Samarra he was able to gather on a number of occasions a number of followers around him and address them with sermons. Finally there is a short book on questions of Islamic Law, the major categories of halal and haram, that which is permissible and that which is forbidden.
What is certain is that no nass, no written or witnessed designation took place by Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS]. This is explained in the sources in terms of the critical circumstances of the time. In other words, by now such was the hostility of the Abbasid caliphs towards the institution of the Imamate that even the nass – the nomination witnessed by a narrow circle of people within the household of the Imam [AS] was perceived of as dangerous – word might leak out and lead to the killing of an infant designated to succeed the Imam [AS]. There is in fact one tradition from Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] in which he says remarking on the assassination of one of the Abbasid Caliphs from someone within the Abbasid family, they practiced their craft amongst themselves not only with respect to their political enemies:-

‘This person wished to kill me and my infant son but fate decreed that he should be killed himself before he had the opportunity to make the attempt.’

Therefore this is an indication that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] was aware of the extremely critical circumstances of the time and for that reason alone refrained from nass. Because of the absence of nass a prolonged internal crisis arose in the Shi’ah community after the passing away of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS]. In all of the crises of the history of the Imamate this was no doubt the greatest. However once the crisis was over and it is difficult to get an exact date as to when the crisis ended – Shi’ism as a comprehensive and coherent set of teachings concerning Islam was finally consolidated in the following senses – firstly normative now for Shi’ism was the belief that there had been twelve Imams [AS] and not more – obviously when the occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS] had been generally accepted, when in fact two facts had been accepted – that the Eleventh Imam AS) had a son, and also once it had been accepted also that the Imam [AS] had gone into occultation, then the figure of twelve became normative. There was no longer a question of the prolongation of the Imamate and dispute over the identity of the Imam [AS], which would have occurred had the Imamate been prolonged. It can be said that the belief in an occulted Imam [AS] became in itself normative together with the figure of twelve as an essential corollary for belief in the Imamate. To express things more concisely it can be said that Shi’ism in it’s main body was resting on the belief that there were twelve Imams [AS] and the twelth of them had gone into occultation and these two go necessarily together. To dispute either of these complementary doctrines, to assume that there was less or more than twelve Imams [AS] or to dispute that the Imam [AS] was in occultation this represented a deviation from twelver Shi’ism. Although at the beginning there was a prolonged crisis, and although the absence of the Imam [AS] from the physical plain and from immediate access to the community presented a whole variety of practical and doctrinal problems – the outcome was ultimately a consolidation, a completion of Shi’ism as a doctrinal system.

Traditions concerning the number of the Imams being twelve and the occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS]

Given the continued practice of taqiyyah and given the absence of nass, that is to say a recorded designation by Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] of a successor how did the question ultimately resolve itself? Firsly, what can be pointed out is an existence of tradition very much earlier in the history of Shi’ism concerning precisely these two interrelated points that the twelve Imams [AS] are not more and the occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS]. There is a tradition from the Prophet [SAW] found in the Sunni books also which speaks of twelve successors, the wording used in the Sunni books for example in Sahih Muslim is Khalifah, which is not problematic because the word Khalifah only later came to designated a particular historical institution associated first with the four Caliphs and then the Umayyads and the Abbasids afterwards. In this hadith the word simply has the meaning of successor insofar as the Imam [AS] is the successor, in the Shi’ah view the successor to the Prophet [SAW]. The word Khalifah is entirely compatible with the Shi’i understanding. There are these hadith and hadith which are similar, there are even hadith from the Prophet [SAW] himself, not from the Imams [AS] that list the entirety of the Twelve Imams [AS] which would indicate not only the figure twelve but a kind of foreknowledge by the Prophet [SAW] of the names even of the twelve Imams [AS] – here again the traditions occur in the Sunni as well as the Shi’ah books. The cutting off of the series at twelve does not therefore come unexpectedly. Likewise the cutting off of the series at eleven would have been unexpected, it would run counter to the existing belief among the broad body of the Shi’ah that the Imamate would attain the total of twelve. Beyond this particular hadith there is a very important and significant hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] which says:-

‘The Earth shall never be empty of a proof (Hujjah) whether manifest and visible or hidden.’

The word ‘Hujjah’ means proof, argument or evidence. An attribute of Imam [AS] is that the word Hujjah means ‘the Divine Will to guide.’ That is that the very existence of the Imam [AS] constitutes a proof or evidence of the Divine Will to guide mankind in just the same way that the Prophet [SAW] fulfills that function after him that same function is fulfilled by the Imams [AS]. This hadith which had been narrated already in the time of the 6^th Imam [AS] continues by saying:-

‘…Whether manifest and visible or hidden.’

Therefore the possibility of an Imam [AS] a Hujjah who will be hidden from public view, from physical accessibility has already been contemplated at the time of the 6^th Imam [AS]. It must be remembered also that in many of the succession crisis of the death of one Imam [AS] or another the theme of an occultation arose. That is to say that it was said that the preceding Imam [AS] had not died but had simply gone into occultation and his reappearance was to be expected. From the point of view of Shi’ah doctrine those expectations were misplaced, but the point is that the general theme or doctrine of occultation was already a matter of firm and well established belief. Finally among the hadith which it can be said pre-disposed the Shi’ah community to believe in the existence of the Twelth Imam [AS] and his occultation is one that seems to have had increasing currency in the years immediately preceding the occultation, this hadith is again from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] which says that:-

‘There will come from the household of the Prophet [SAW] (the Ahl al-bait [AS]) one who will rise up and who is rightly guided.’

The attributes ‘the one who will rise up’ ‘al-Qa’im’ and ‘who is rightly guided’ ‘al-Mahdi’ are used. Hypothetically one might say that the word al-Qa’im might be taken in two senses – it might be taken in conjunction with the concept of resurrection ‘Qiyamah’ i.e. rises up, who is resurrected from the dead or the one who will rise up in rebellion in order to vindicate and render triumphant the cause of the Imamate and all that is associated with it and it is the second of the two meaning that is the more apposite. That is to say, there will come from the household of the Prophet [SAW] one who will rise up in rebellion. Rebellion is probably an inappropriate word because it implies a movement against a legitimate authority, whereas the whole point of view is the illegitimacy of the authority which is to be overthrown by al-Qa’im. So you could say rising up to overthrow what is perceived of as illegitimacy. Qa’im also has a third sense which is relevant to the understanding of the hadith, ‘one who stands over.’ ‘Standing over’ in the sense of presiding over the affairs of humanity. He is the one who will not only rise up in order to finally establish legitimacy and justice, he is also the one who is supported and appointed by God and supervises the affairs of humanity – takes the affairs of humanity into hand and establishes justice. The second word in this designation ‘al-Mahdi’ has the literal meaning of ‘one who is guided’, ‘one who is in receipt of Divine Guidance’ this could therefore apply to any true believer – a true believer by definition has attained guidance. However in this context the word al-Mahdi acquires additional and distinctive connotations. He is the one who has acquired guidance and by virtue thereof will undertake all that is implied in the title ‘al-Qa’im’. By virtue of Divine Guidance he will rise up in as it were the vengeance of history against those who have usurped power. The word Mahdi by itself does not imply an messianic or apocalyptic function it is only once it is bought into proximity with al-qa’im that it takes on it’s meaning. The matter is further complicated however by the occurrence of the word Mahdi in Sunni usage aswell. There is in Sunni Islam, at least there used to be before the Wahhabis set about their work deconstructing Sunni Doctrine belief in the Mahdi. That is to say that one who is from the lineage of the Prophet [SAW] who will arise at the end of time to establish Islam in it’s totality and authenticity. The difference of course being that from the Sunni point of view The Mahdi is not to the best of their knowledge yet born he will have a normal lifespan and will emerge in normal biological circumstances, he will however be from the lineage of the Prophet [SAW]. The concept of the Mahdi is also to be found in Sunni Islam as well although even before the concept was relegated into the background it was not entirely rejected in recent times, it by no means occupied the same importance and central place in Sunni Islam as it has been adopted by the 12^th Imam [AS] as the Mahdi in Shi’ah Islam. There are important differences, but the belief in al-Mahdi however he be identified and understood is originally common to both Shi’i and Sunni Islam although today many Sunni Muslims might be ignorant of the concept or may actively reject it.
The increasing currency of the hadith that there will come from the household of the Prophet [SAW] ‘al-Qa’im al-Mahdi’ also pre-disposed a majority of people to believe in the birth of a son to Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] and the ultimate occultation of that son. There is one question that deserves some attention, when the ‘occultation of the Twelth Imam [AS]’ is spoken about, that is to say that the Twelth Imam [AS] was born but after a very short period of existence on the worldly plain went into occultation it might be thought that here one had a perfect and ingenious solution to the increasingly critical situation of the Imamate. It has been seen that the Imams [AS] were under increasing pressure, were being assassinated in short order by the Abbasid Caliphs, that they had very little access to their communities. It was not widely known even within the Shi’ah community that the Twelth Imam [AS] had indeed been born, therefore what better solution to this problem from a purely pragmatic point of view than to say that indeed he did have a son but that that son had gone into occultation very swiftly. This line of reasoning that is attributed to pragmatic machinations of the leaders of the Shi’ah community of the time merely falls flat once it is taken into consideration some of the hadith that have already been mentioned. The very fact that the scene of an occulted Imam, the very fact that a total of twelve Imams [AS] not more and not less is commonly expected, this in itself serves to explain why the existence of the Twelth Imam [AS] should have been commonly accepted within the community, it should not be viewed simply as an inspired pragmatic solution to the dilemma posed by the death of the 11^th Imam [AS] without his successor being widely known. The period of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS] can be regarded as an anticipation of the occultation – it was a period in which they were increasingly under pressure had very little contact with their immediate followers and were therefore is what might be regarded as semi-occultation already. Another hadith which will serve as a transition to the consideration of the factual evidence, again this hadith is from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], it is a significant hadith in which he said:-

‘There will come a time when the Imam [AS] will have two occultations, one will be so long that many will imagine him to have died and even in his first occultation none will be aware of his whereabouts except his intimate partisans who will look after his affairs.’

This is a fairly close description of what in fact came to pass after the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS], none were aware of the whereabouts of the Twelth Imam [AS] or even the circumstances of his birth.

The birth of the 12^th Imam [AS]

After the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] all of his wakils, his named representatives – Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari and others were convinced that he had indeed left the son behind. However precisely because of the principle of taqiyyah, and more particularly because of the exceptionally critical circumstances of the time they were forbidden from widely revealing this fact. There was the perceived danger that the Abbasids would try to kill the infant son. We know in fact that after the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] a number of doctors were sent by the Caliphal court to his household in order to examine the women there and to see if any of them were pregnant. One woman in the household whether by a mistake on her own part, or out of a sincere conviction that she was pregnant, volunteered the information that she was pregnant – she was then taken and put under close surveillance by the Abbasids for a period of two years. At the end of the two years she had not given birth and it was finally concluded that this was very probably a misunderstanding. One cannot exclude the possibility that this imaginary pregnancy was a ruse, a stratagem in order to divert the attention of the Caliphal authority from the son that had in fact been born to Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] thereby completing the series of Twelve Imams [AS]. It was agreed that the Twelth Imam [AS] was born on 15^th Sha’ban, however there are various dates to which his birth is attributed. Some are of the belief that he was born early in the lifetime of his father, so that he has already attained maturity at the time of his father’s death. This is highly unlikely, particularly if you bear in mind that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] was only 29 years of age when he died, it was therefore not really conceivable that the Twelth Imam [AS] should have been mature at the time of this father’s death. Another possibility comes from the account of a visitor that came from Iran to Samarra in 871 AD, three years before the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] – this visitor reports having seen an infant boy whom he estimated to be two years of age. If this were the case then the Imam [AS], Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] the Twelth Imam [AS] would have been about three years of age when his father died. In other words the Shi’ah community would have had again the situation of a child Imam leading it. A third possibility is that he was born after the death of his father Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS], about eight months after his death. Which means that he was conceived one month before his father’s death. In which case the absence of any sign of pregnancy in his mother at the time of the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] would have been entirely credible – because it is said that when the agents of the caliph came to inspect the woman of the household after the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS], none of the women claimed to be pregnant and none of them exhibited the signs of pregnancy. Although it is sometimes said that the signs of pregnancy were miraculously concealed not only from the agents of the caliph but even from the mother herself. The final view concerning the circumstances of his birth is that Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] was born in the year 870 AD, and that he was four years seven months of age when his father died. This version of matters depends primarily of accounts of two aunts of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS]. There are a total of five names of persons who were aware of from immediate contact, who were eye-witnesses to the existence of the Twelth Imam [AS]. Among the five are two aunts of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS]. It is said that one day one of the aunts Hakimah went into the presence of her nephew Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] who informed her that one of his wives was about to give birth, she then passed this information onto the other of the two aunts from who we have the narration. The name of the wife to whom this report refers is Narghis, there are two accounts of her origin, it is sometime said that Narghis was of Greek origin – she had been captured in the intermittent warfare that had been going on between the Muslims and the Byzantines in the Anatolia of that time, and in order to fall into captivity and enter the household of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] she had deliberately placed herself in an exposed condition, and she had been captured, and as she hoped and anticipated she had been bought into the presence in the household of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] and then had this ultimate honor of giving birth to the Twelth Imam [AS]. This account is a bit difficult to credit in it’s entirety, it is moreover incompatible with the other condition that she was unaware with her own pregnancy. It simply indicates the great significance that is attached in Shi’ah tradition to the birth of the Twelth Imam [AS] and the continuing cosmic function that he continues to exercise. In any account it clashes with another account concerning the origin of his mother of the 12^th Imam [AS] that she again was African from Nubia, the accounts which assign her to Nubia are more numerous and more credible. Here again we see another instance of African parentage in the lines of the Imams [AS] (the fourth Imam with an African parent).

It is said that on that very same day that the aunt had been informed by Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] that Narghis was about to give birth, if she did indeed give birth on that very same day – the wording used in informing her was precisely the wording of one of the hadith already cited:-

‘Narghis is about to give birth to al-Qa’im al-Mahdi’

Therefore not simply an announcement that a son is about to be born who will succeed to the Imamate but specifically he is going to be al-Qa’im al-Mahdi, with all that is implied in that combination of terms. It was said that when he was born and again that account of the aunt of the 11^th Imam [AS] is being draw upon – he was pure and clean, there was no trace of blood or any other impurity upon him and that as he emerged from the womb he immediately and spontaneously prostrated in the direction of the Qiblah in other words he assumed the posture of the Islamic prayer. It is said also that his father Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] placed his tongue in the mouth of the newly born infant whereupon he repeated the Shahadahtain the two Islamic confessions of faith the Oneness of Allah (SWT) and the Messengerhood of the Prophet [SAW]. After professing the two confessions of faith he [AS] also recited the names of the Imams [AS], the names of the Twelve Imams [AS] including himself. These details of a miraculous nature underline the significance of this infant, given the fact that he is to be the last of the Imams [AS] but also having a function extending indefinitely into the future it is pertinent that the circumstances of his birth should also be extraordinary. The circumstances of his departure from the world were also extraordinary, as will be seen in the question of the Ghaibah.

It may well be justified to draw a parallel between the beliefs, these and other beliefs concerning the Twelth Imam [AS] and the Quranic teachings concerning Prophet ‘Isa [AS] because the entry of ‘Isa [AS] into the world takes place of course in a miraculous and extraordinary fashion – he was born of a virgin mother, and likewise his departure from this world described in the Quran as ‘being raised unto his Lord.’, without suffering death or crucifixion is a miraculous departure. In fact there are a whole series of significant parallels between the Twelth Imam [AS] and Prophet ‘Isa [AS] and these are two of them. On the seventh day after his birth Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] repeated these same recitations i.e. Shahadatain and names of the Twelve Imams [AS], and then spontaneously without instruction by his father recited verses 5 and 6 of chapter 28 of the Quran:-

‘And We desired to bestow a favor upon those who were deemed weak in the land, and to make them the Imams, and to make them the heirs,
And to grant them power in the land, and to make Firon and Haman and their hosts see from them what they feared.’ (28:5-6)

All elements of these verses are significant. ‘And We desired to bestow a favor upon those who were deemed weak in the land… the original context of revelation of these verse refers to the children of Israel and their struggle against the Pharaoh, but without denying or negating this verse in any way, there is of course a whole series of other interpretations which are axiomatic in the understanding of the Quran as a whole. Although there may be a given event to which a verse refers nonetheless the relevance of the verse to an analogous situation also requires consideration. And in the context of this recitation of these verse by Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] those who have been oppressed upon the earth, this refers to the Imams [AS] and we have seen how one after another have been subject to oppression, suffering, denial, abandonment even in many cases by their own followers as was seen by Imam Ali [AS] and Imam Hussain [AS] at Kerbala. And secondarily those that have been true to them they have been of those who have been oppressed. It is possible to draw the net still wider in understanding this verse or the implied meaning of this verse in it’s particular context insofar as the cause of the Imamate and it’s vindication, it’s triumph is viewed as the triumph of the cause of justice therefore ‘…Those who have been oppressed on earth…’ are indeed precisely that without any narrowing of the category. This advocation of verse we can see in it’s original context as well, when the Imam [AS] is said to have recited this verse the sense of those being oppressed on the earth being the totality of those oppressed is there at even a secondary or tertiary level. In the first place it would be the Imams [AS] and the Shi’ah in general, beyond that those who have suffered oppression because of the absence from the earth of a righteous and just government which is connected indissolubly with the Imams [AS].

In more recent times and more specifically during the time of the revolution in Iran this verse was bought forward and emphasis was laid on precisely that universal definition of those who are oppressed on earth. The movement was seen or portrayed itself as not only as a movement for the liberation of Muslims in Iran and more generally in the Islamic World but also solidarity with oppressed people with other backgrounds and not necessarily Muslim. ‘…and to make them the leaders…’the word used for leaders is simply a’immah. In the original context of revelation one cannot apply to the word Imam the precise significance that it requires in Shi’i doctrine nonetheless there is obviously here a significant overlap her even on the verbal level. ‘…and to make them the heirs (Warithin)…’. So in other words the Imams [AS] and their followers are to be appointed as leaders enjoying authority over the world and as heirs. Heirs to what? To a wide variety of matters, in a narrow context of the Imams [AS] – heirs to the authority and the functions of the Prophet [SAW] remembering that hadith going back to the early part of the career of the Prophet [SAW] he designated Imam Ali [AS] as among other things his ‘warith’ his heir. ‘…And to grant them power in the land…’ Those who suffered oppression we want to establish for them a firm and unassailable position ‘…and to make Firon and Haman and their hosts see from them what they feared.’ Haman is the right hand man the minister of Pharaoh. Here Pharaoh and Haman do not simply stand for historical personalities connected with the oppression of the children of Israel, but archetypally of oppressors throughout history. Irrespective of what is made of the clearly miraculous pronouncement by an infant the significance of it is entirely clear, that the 12^th Imam [AS] has assigned to him from the very beginning of his earthly existence the function of the ultimate vindication of the Imamate with all that is implied by the exegesis of these verses. There is another important parallel with ‘Isa [AS] the Quran informs us in more than one place that ‘Isa [AS] immediately upon his birth also spoke bearing witness to his mission. Since in Islamic belief Prophet ‘Isa [AS] departed this world without suffering either death of crucifixion, it should be made plain that it was not that he was crucified and then resurrected, the Quran says very plainly that‘…they did not crucify him nor did they kill him…’ they being the Jews. In other words he was not placed on the cross in the first place, what did happen is only hinted at in the Quran. On the other hand since every soul must taste death as the Quran tells us, Prophet ‘Isa [AS] will necessarily return to the earthly plain. Having left this earth not having suffered death he must return to this world in order to gain his death because neither he nor anyone is exempt from this general principle that every soul shall taste death. As it will be seen when the concept of the occultation is examined in greater detail the 12^th Imam [AS] although he is occulted, removed from the worldly plain, he too will return. All of the purposes that are indicated in the aforementioned verse just analysed it is believed will be attained, will be realized by the 12^th Imam [AS] on his return. The 12^th Imam [AS] will be returned for messianic purposes and likewise Prophet ‘Isa [AS] will also return a precise correlation of these two returns and precisely how they are connected and how they differ from each other is an important and interesting subject in Shi’ah belief.

It is said that already in the lifetime of his father for precautionary reasons he was sent away from Samarra to Madinah. This took place it is said the 873 AD, maybe two to three years after the birth of the Imam [AS]. His paternal grandmother took him from Samarra to the Hijaz to Madinah – the pretext being that she was going to make the Hajj. This was hardly something that could be prevented or denied by the Abbasid Caliph of the time. So in the company of this lady he went from Samarra to Madinah and it was said that he had already received the external tokens of the Imamate that is to say the special books that had been inherited the ‘Mushaf Fatimah’, and the weapons of the Prophet [SAW] and Imam Ali [AS]. It is said that he had also received knowledge of the supreme name al-‘ism al-a’zam i.e. this is taken as an indication of that special body of esoteric knowledge the transmission and possession of which was an exclusive prerogative of the Imams [AS]. One indication of the historicity of this account i.e. that the Imam [AS] at a very early age was taken from Samarra to Madinah is provided by a hadith concerning his father, Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] at an early point even before the 12^th Imam [AS] had been born he was asked by one of his followers:-

‘After you where shall I look for the Imam [AS]?

Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] replied:-

‘In Madinah’

The different groups that emerged, and ultimately the emergence of the normative belief that there were twelve Imams and the Twelth had gone into occultation

This understanding of matters that the Imam [AS] was born in the lifetime of his father and that in infancy he was as a matter of concern transferred to the relative safety of Madinah away from the Caliphal capital gradually became accepted as normative in Shi’ah belief. For a variety of reasons it took a while for this understanding of matters to gain firm hold the reasons for this are fairly plain, the fact that very few people had actually witnessed the physical existence of the child, extraordinary precautions were taken to conceal his birth and his existence from the Caliphal authorities but those same measures concealed the existence of the child from many within the Shi’ah community itself. Therefore an unprecedented degree of confusion reigned within the Shi’ah community. More groups were emerging than before with previous succession crises i.e. periods from one Imam [AS] to the next. The historians of the period recount some twenty different groups among the Shi’ah of that time, it may be useful to review some of them in order to understand the different reactions that gave rise that arose at this period. One group for example believed that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] was indeed the last of the Imams [AS]. Despite the existence of hadith proclaiming the number of the Imams [AS] to be twelve Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] in the absence of a visible and well known successor must have been the last. However it was said that because, ‘the earth cannot be without a Hujjah.’ therefore he could not truly be dead but was in occultation, he was no longer visible on the physical plain but would ultimately return.

A slightly different position was espoused by those who said that he had died but would soon be resurrected, they understood the word ‘al-qa’im’ to mean that i.e. the one who would be resurrected – the word al-qa’im is ambiguous and has a few major senses, one possible sense being the one who will be resurrected. These people said that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] is al-Qa’im al-Mahdi – the one who will be resurrected in order to fulfill the functions of al-Mahdi. Then an interesting group which was called ‘ which means in Arabic ‘I don’t know’, so they professed themselves to be helplessly confused and uncertain and simply said, ‘I don’t know’. Under the circumstances this was maybe not an unreasonable position. Then we have people espousing the claim of Ja’far al-Kadhdhab who had already disputed the Imamate in the time of Imam Hassan al-Askari now taking advantage of the apparent confusion in the community in the apparent absence of a successor, he sought to step up his claims. Then there were those who said that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] had not been an Imam at all and that it was therefore a mistake in the first place search for a successor to him. If he had been an Imam [AS] then by definition he would have had to leave a son behind, in other words an Imam [AS] who does not produce a male offspring who will be his successor is a contradiction in terms. Therefore given the apparent absence of physical offspring, of a son, therefore it has to be concluded that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] was not the Imam [AS] himself. Therefore one had to look elsewhere in order to identify the 11^th Imam [AS]. Once this door was opened a whole variety of possibilities emerged and other individuals were identified as having been the 11^th Imam [AS] including of course Ja’far himself. Then there was the view also that after Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] had indeed died, he was not in occultation, he was not going to be resurrected, he had been the Imam [AS], Ja’far was not the Imam and nor were the members of various other climes. It is was argued that if Prophethood itself had come to an end, then why not the institute of the Imamate. From this of course from the point of view of Shi’ah doctrine the obvious response is, what happens to the institution of the Hujjah. What of the belief that the earth can never be without a Divine Proof in human form of the will to guide the community. And to this the response was given to those who espoused this position that Allah (SWT) was so angry with mankind, more particularly with the Muslims, still more particularly with the Shi’ah community that the institution of the Hujjah had been bought to an end. That is to say that mankind as a whole, Muslims in particular, and Shi’ah Muslims who lay claim to being followers of the Imam [AS] all had proven unworthy of the Hujjah, all had proven unworthy of the Imamate. Therefore God had withdrawn from humanity the institution of the Hujjah. Here of course there is another problem – this implies a change of mind a change of destiny on the part of God. Here this fragile and complex doctrine of ‘bada’ was bought forward which means a ‘revision of the Divine Will’. It first surfaces in the debate over the succession to Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS], the proponents of what was to become the Isma’ili branch of Shi’ism said that Isma’il the eldest son of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] had been nominated as his successor, he however had predeceased his father so that the succession went to Imam Musa al-Kazim [AS]. How might this be justified – because the nomination of a successor of an Imam [AS] is not a matter of fallible human judgment but it is said of direct and Divine Guidance. So how is it conceivable that the Imam [AS] should first have nominated as his successor one who was going to predecease him. In order to answer this objection the doctrine of Bada was brought up. Meaning approximately a revision in the Divine Will, it is analogous to the theory of abrogation. Within the Quran there are certain verses of legislative content which are abrogated by verses which are revealed later. It is not that the earlier verses are false and invalid simply that in terms of their legal application they are superseded by verses which are revealed later. Bada is seen as something analagous that is that the first Divine Decree is of course valid but it is superseded or abrogated in it’s effect by a second Divine Decree. This principle was bought into play by those who said that the Imamate was at an end. That Divine Anger, dissatisfaction with the state of humanity, Muslims, Shi’ah Muslims had caused Allah (SWT) to withdraw the institution of the Imamate not simply from the visible plain but in general. The Imamate was no longer there, the Hujjah was no longer there. This position ultimately fell into obscurity. There are some echoes of this thought in attempts to understand the nature and purpose of the occultation and the fashion in which it will come to an end. Both internally and externally, the occultation, that is to say the belief that the Imam [AS] will be in existence not however on the visible and physical plain caused a lot of questionings within the Shi’ah community and outside the Shi’ah community it was said that how does one explain this, what is the purpose of an Imam [AS] who is not on the physical plain? And why has he been withdrawn from the physical plain? And when will he return? There are a number of answers given to this. One idea is this idea of unworthiness that is that humanity as a whole and this Shi’ah community in particular has proven unworthy of the Imam [AS] and therefore the Imam [AS] has been withdrawn from earthly existence by the Divine Wisdom. It is not that the Imamate has been brought to an end, it is that the Imam [AS] has temporarily although for a very long time been withdraw from earthly existence because of the unworthiness of the community. To put it differently, lack of suitable conditions for him to exercise his comprehensive functions. It is sometimes said that the whole notion of an occulted Imam [AS] and the whole notion of his return gives rise to passivity. In other words in the absence of the Imam [AS] there is nothing really useful that can be accomplished in terms of human effort in order to remedy whatever situations of injustice and oppression exist, all that has to be done is to sit and wait for the return of the Imam [AS]. But the corollary of the point just put forward namely that the occultation of the Imam [AS] is the result of the unworthiness of his community is of course that to become worthy of the Imam [AS] is a means of hastening his re-appearance. In other words the waiting for the reappearance of the Imam [AS] is not a passive process on the contrary it implies active preparation in order to change the circumstances of the Muslim world, the Shi’ah community so that the return of the Imam [AS] will find appropriate circumstances awaiting it. So there is this sense of historical failure which we see manifested in a slightly different context after the aftermath of Kerbala, the failure on the part of those who proclaimed themselves to be the follower of the Imam [AS] actually to come to his aid. And this sense of failure has a whole series of manifestations in the history of Shi’ism and therefore to reverse this failure to vindicate more clearly the claim to be true followers of the Imam [AS] this in itself is a mode of preparation of his return. It is here again justifiable and useful to make a reference to the revolution in Iran, because obviously the revolution in Iran as it will be indicated is at it’s essence a Shi’i phenomenon – one can explain it in political terms, in socio-economic terms but at it’s core and it’s very nature the revolution in Iran was an integrally Shi’i Muslim phenomenon. One way in which it was so, was that it represented – self-consciously for many people this type of preparation, this attempt to overcome this sense of unworthiness for the presence of the Imam [AS] – an attempt to prepare appropriate circumstances for his return. One of the slogans that used to be recited in Iran during the lifetime of Imam Khomeini , ‘O God, O God, preserve Imam Khomeini [AS] until the coming of The Mahdi [AS].’ Which of course meant amongst other things a desire for the prolongation for the life of Imam Khomeini because of the attributes that he possessed and his charismatic properties. But also it expressed a world view that the revolution in Iran is in a sense an active mode of preparation for the return of the Twelth Imam [AS]. There were therefore these differing views after the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] which were ultimately dissolved and replaced by the firm and definitive and normative belief in the existence and occultation of the 12^th Imam [AS].

LECTURE 16

synopsis

-The term occultation explained
-The office of the Safir
-Uthman ibn Sa'id al-'Umari the first safir
-The functions of the named representative
-The whereabouts of the Imam [AS] and where he commenced the greater occultation.
-How the Imam [AS] was communicated with?
-How was the status of the successive safirs validated? and the period of the next three safirs. Re-emergence of Ghulat and their historical antecedents.

The term occultation explained

When running through some of the different groups that existed among the Shi’ah after the death of the 11^th Imam [AS] in the apparent absence of any physical offspring there were also the Qat’iyyah who stand at opposite extremes to the la adriyyah those people who contented themselves in saying we do not know what happened. The Qat’iyyah are those by contrast who are certain, Qat’iyyah meaning ‘those who profess certainty’. That of which they are certain is that indeed the 12^th Imam [AS] had a son that was born before his departure from this world and exercised the Imamate and then went on to occultation. This unfamiliar term ‘occultation’ which you would rarely find outside the context of Shi’i theology, or literature on Shi’i theology in English is deliberately chosen in order to convey something of the specificity of the concept. The word that is being translated here is the Arabic word Ghaybah which has the simple lexical meaning of 'absence' but of course the nature of the absence is important to understand with particular respect to the concept of the occultation. Sometimes the word is also described or translated as concealment but this again is not entirely adequate. There is indeed concealment and there is indeed absence involved in the concept of a Ghaybah but in order to convey something of it’s specific flavor it may be good to use this unfamiliar word occultation. The Ghaybah consists of two unequal and dissimilar stages which are known respectively as the lesser (Ghaybah al-Sughra) and the greater (Ghaybah al-Kubra). The lesser occultation comes first and begins in 260 AH, 874 AD, and ends in the year 329 AH, 940 AD. The greater occultation begins in 329 AH and continues down to the present. From this chronological balance one can see in what sense the first of the occultations is lesser it is of a much shorter duration than the major occultation which continues down to the present and will from the point of view of Shi’i doctrine continue till an unknown point in the future at which the Imam [AS] will return.

The second point of difference between the two types of occultation is that the lesser occultation is an absence or concealment of a more familiar type in other words the Imam [AS] is physically present on the Earth living a biologically normal life his whereabouts are however unknown to all except a small group amongst his immediate followers and agents. He is therefore inaccessible to the majority of the community, access is had to him only sporadically and only through a single named representative. So it can be said that the lesser occultation in this sense is simply an intensification of or even a continuation of the circumstances that had prevailed during the Imamates of 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS]. That is to say that enforced seclusion because of the danger of persecution from the Abbasid Caliphs, and seclusion from from the great majority of the Muslim community and only being represented by a certain number of intermediaries and appointed representatives. However the circumstances are different now in the period of the lesser occultation in that the whereabouts of the Imam [AS] is not known. It was known during the Imamates of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], Imam Muhammad al-Jawwad [AS] and Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] the difficulty was in gaining access to them. With respect to the 12^th Imam [AS] during the period of the lesser occultation his whereabouts were not commonly known. A third important difference between the lesser occultation and the period before that is that there is only a single agent connecting him to his followers. This implies therefore an enhanced importance for the position for the agent representing him. Earlier in the period of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS] there had been a variety of agents among whom it may be presumed that some indeed had seniority and a higher function with respect to the others. In the time of the lesser occultation there is only a single named representative who acts in exclusivity as the intermediary between the concealed Imam [AS] and his following.

All of this changes with the onset of the greater occultation. The greater occultation as already remarked is infinitely longer, is of indefinite duration and more importantly is no longer a question of the Imam [AS] being physically present on Earth, although in a location kept secret – he is rather no longer present on the earthly plain. And it is here that it becomes useful if not necessary to introduce the word occultation in order to prevent the misunderstanding that this is simply a concealment on the earthly plain. What is meant here is that the Imam [AS] is no longer on the earthly plain but also has not suffered death he is in a state of suspension in this world and the hereafter and here there is another important analogy and attribute shared with Prophet ‘Isa [AS] from the Muslim point of view who likewise has temporarily withdrawn although for an extended period from earthly existence and will return at the end of time. Occultation therefore means an absence from the earthly plain, that does not involve death, an absence that will necessarily be bought to an end by a renewed presence on earth for the fulfillment of certain predetermined functions which have already been sketched upon in connection with the hadith which speaks of Imam Mahdi [AS] as ‘al-Mahdi al-Qa’im’ the one who will rise up at the end of time to enact universal justice. This is what is implied in general by the lesser and greater occultation. The first of the two occultations is lesser in duration and it is also lesser in that the Imam [AS] although his whereabouts are unknown is still actually living on the earth. The second and greater occultation is that which is very much longer in duration and in which the Imam [AS] is no longer present on the earth. Moreover the period of the lesser occultation does involve the presence on the earth not only of the Imam [AS] himself but also of a succession of named, identifiable individuals. Once the greater occultations begins the named individuals who represent the authority of the Imam [AS] and act as intermediaries with him, their series also comes to an end. Not only has the Imam [AS] withdrawn from existence but he no longer has a single names representative with whom reference maybe had in order to learn his teachings and to express loyalty to him.

The office of the Safir

This brings about an extremely important change in the structure of the Shi’i community and above all it’s organization and the exercise of authority within the community. An important feature of the minor occultation can now be turned to and that is the presence of named representatives of the Imam [AS] who act as intermediaries with him. To these representatives a variety of titles are given one of which has already been mentioned and that is wakil. Before the beginning of the minor occultation there were numerous wakils, numerous representatives of the Imam [AS] in a variety of centres of the Shi’i population. After the beginning of the lesser occultation, there is but one wakil or better to say that there is only one person who bears the title of wakil, there are other nominees and representatives who act under his authority. At the head of the pyramid of authority and administration in the Shi’ah community there is a single wakil who acts on behalf of the hidden Imam [AS] and beneath him a variety of other individuals. Because of this new development in the time of the lesser occultation that is to say the emergence of a single individual as the representative of the Imam [AS] often and in fact more frequently the word that is used to designate this representative is safir, because the word wakil has certain ambiguities and is a carryover from the previous period when there were numerous wakils, and therefore to avoid possible misunderstanding we find the title safir as the sole representative of the Imam [AS]. The word safir even in present day usage has the sense of envoy even ambassador in a diplomatic sense. The choice of this word safir is in itself interesting because it does indeed imply a greater distance between the Imam [AS] and his loyal follower under the conditions of the occultation. It is as if from a distance he is sending his envoy, his representative, his safir to the community. Finally the name given to the single named representative during the period of the lesser occultation is bab which is quite simply the Arabic word for door or gate. Maybe here there is an echo of the hadith where the Prophet [SAW] designates Imam Ali [AS] as the gate to the city of knowledge, ‘ana madinah al-‘ilm wa ‘Aliyyun babuha’. What is implied to the title bab both in the hadith and in this context is exclusive access. In much the same way as the hadith tells us that the only gate of access to a certain body of knowledge held by the Prophet [SAW] is Imam Ali [AS], likewise the only authentic and true access to the Imam during the period of the lesser occultation is the person known as the bab. Another important implication of the word bab is that the gate maybe open or closed this is in the nature of things. And it can be said that at the very end of the lesser occultation this gate of communication is closed, this gate of a particular type of communication to a single named authoritative individual is closed. It is also significant to jump to a different period in history that the movement known as Baha’ism which starts with an individual who advances through a series of increasingly ambitious claims. The first of the claims that he makes is that he is the bab. That is to say that centuries after the closing of this particular gate this individual namely ‘Ali Muhammad called himself the bab. He claimed to be for the first time in many centuries the exclusive gate of communication with the occulted Imam [AS]. And from there in quick succession he ambitiously advanced from one claim to another and he next claimed that he was the Imam himself, and the new Prophet and then the gate was open for further exaltation in subsequent generations.
The period of the lesser occultation sees the succession of four such named individuals. Four persons who held these titles most commonly safir. Their exercise of the office can be said to have sprung directly from the circumstances of the Imamate in the immediately preceding period – the period of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS]. It was an outgrowth, an adaptation a modification of the general agency of the Imams [AS] that had already existed. This institution of the agency representing the Imams [AS] to their followers first begins to emerge in the time of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS], takes more visible shape during the time of his successor Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] – and has the various functions already indicated – above all the collection and forwarding of the Khums, not only for purely fiscal purposes but as a kind of sign of loyalty and allegiance to the Imams [AS]. There is a new aspect to the office of the single wakil that maybe again said to grow out of the preceding period. It will be recalled that the transition from one Imam [AS] to the next was generally accompanied by some degree of disagreement and dissension in the Shi’ah community, rival claims to the Imamate often arose. And it is true that since the time of Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] the principle of succession had been fairly clearly articulated as nass, a witnessed written designation of the next Imam [AS] by the existing Imam [AS]. However in practical terms how was the nass to be made known to the community as a whole. And it is here that it is seen that the wakils already before the beginning of the occultation playing an enhanced role in the lifetimes of again the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS]. It was precisely the wakil who would come forward and testify that they were aware of the nass. That they had indeed been witnesses to the appointment of the subsequent Imams [AS], they had been witness to the drawing up of the document. So in a sense this endowed the wakils with a high degree of authority. They were to some extent the arbiters of the transmission of the Imamate from one Imam [AS] to the next.
This enhancement of the role of the wakil – the representative of the Imam [AS] seems to have been enhanced still further during the time of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] which was a relatively lengthy period. The Imam [AS] was confined in Samarra the new Abbasid capital, he was therefore unable to communicate with which congregation. Also what can be reconstructed from the period of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] the nature of the organization of the network which existed. Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] was resident in Samarra and his principle wakil was resident there with him. It is possible to draw a kind of pyramid of authority in this period which includes a wide variety of other locations. Under the authority of the central wakil there are regional wakils, there is one in Baghdad, another in Basrah, another in Qum and another in Madinah. Under the authority of these regional wakils there appears to have been further local representatives operating under their authority. Answering to the wakil in Baghdad were representatives in Kufah and Mada’in (a locality near Baghdad), them under the authority of the wakil in Basrah a representative operating in the city of Ahwaz which is in south-western Iran in terms of present day geography and one of the earlier centres of Shi’ism in Iran. Under the authority of the wakil in Qum there were agents operating in Hamadan in western Iran and possible elsewhere as well. Then under the authority of the wakil in Madinah were agents in Egypt and the Yemen – two places where today twelver Shi’ism is nonexistent. So a fairly complex and sophisticated geographical structure already existed at that time. What is particularly worth noting is that the only person to know of the identity of the four regional wakils was the supreme wakil in Samarra. In other words one can presume that the wakil in Baghdad did not know who is the wakil in Basrah. And likewise this restriction of mutual acquaintance transferred to the next level also so for example the agent of the Baghdad wakil operating in Mada’in would be deliberately kept ignorant of the wakil operating in Kufah. So the network was sophisticated and widespread that took all the necessary precautionary measures. And the utility and necessity of these precautionary measures is for an obvious reason the ongoing threat to the position of the Imam [AS], and therefore to the Shi’i community in general. But of course there were two aspects to the matter, on the one hand this semi-clandestine structure was the result of fear and persecution, on the other hand it enabled a relatively smooth transition despite everything to be made from the period of the physical presence of the Imams [AS] on earth and into the period of the occultation. In other words something of the administrative network that was needed was already in place – although new functions were added to it and a slight reworking took place in that now there was but one person bearing the title of wakil.

Uthman ibn Sa'id al-'Umari the first safir

Another development that points in this same direction and an administrative development in the time of the last Imams [AS] of an enhanced importance of the representatives was that the position became hereditary – the position of the chief wakil became hereditary. Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari who began as the chief wakil in the time of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], he becomes the first of the four named representatives in the time of the lesser occultation. Here there is found in a single person a clear factor of continuity between pre and post occultation periods. He was the chief wakil in the time of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] and he becomes the first named representative of the 12^th Imam [AS] during the period of the lesser occultation. There is more to it than that in that his son becomes the second named representative in the time of the lesser occultation. It is almost as if there is a kind of mirroring of course at an infinitely lesser level of the circumstances of the Imamate itself. The Imamate of course doctrinally speaking is a matter not of hereditary succession but of Divine Appointment although clearly it involves hereditary transference with in a single line. If the matter is looked at from this point of view a similar tendency can be observed among the named representative of the Imams [AS]. It is said that Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] told Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari that:-

‘You should continue to be the chief wakil in the time of my successor (the 11^th Imam [AS]) and beyond that when the 12^th Imam [AS] is born and goes into occultation you should be his wakil (sole representative and intermediary to the community), and that after you your son should become that.’

In other words a comprehensive prescription already in the time of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] for how the community must organize itself after the beginning of the occultation. The naming of an individual and beyond that even of his son in advance for heading the admininstrative structure of the community. These various developments point already before the beginning of the occultation to the great importance of the administrative structure in securing the continual existence and administration of the Shi’i community after what is undoubtedly one of the greatest crises in Islamic history at the beginning of the occultation, and a period of confusion about the very existence of the Imam [AS].

The functions of the named representative

Once the lesser occultation had begun what were the precise functions of the wakil? Firstly two contrasting purposes and functions, in the face of widespread confusion and doubt even within the Shi’ah community let alone beyond it – to confirm the existence of the Imam [AS]. To confirm that indeed the Imam [AS] had a son who had survived his death and actually existed, this in a way is a repetition or is comparable with the function that the wakil had earlier fulfilled i.e. witnessing to the community at large that a nass – a designation of a successor had taken place. Now he had to do something even more crucial and that was to confirm that the Imam [AS] actually existed. However at the same time because of the curious circumstances, while confirming the existence of the Imam [AS] he had to conceal the whereabouts of the Imam [AS] – this was a difficult and even a contradictory task. This was for obvious reasons that the Imam [AS] was entering physical concealment at this moment, and was intent on staying away from public visibility to eliminate the possibility of physical elimination by the Abbasid Caliphs. So on the one had the wakil had to confirm that the Imam [AS] existed and on the other he could not reaveal the precise whereabouts of the Imam [AS] in order to substantiate the claim that he existed. So from a pragmatic point of view this was a difficult task. So we see that the wakil rather than offering evidence of a more familiar pragmatic type about the existence of the Imam [AS] lay heavy stress on the various hadith that had been in circulation for a very long time and pointed to the necessity of the existence of an Imam [AS]. It can be said that these hadith maybe were more influential in the long run in bringing about a consensus in Shi’ism that the 12^th Imam [AS] existed than the accumulation of evidence, eye-witness accounts, indications of time and place about the Imam [AS]. So, it was necessary even within the Shi’ah community to conceal the existence of the Imam [AS] while affirming that he actually did exist. Whenever Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari and his successors where asked, ‘where is the Imam [AS]? Have you seen him?’, they would answer only the second question, ‘Yes we have seen him.’ They would not answer the first question i.e. ‘Where is he?’

With respect to the broader Muslim community, or specifically the Abbasid Caliphate and it’s supporters, the safir had quite a different function, which increased still further the complexity of his task. What he was meant to do with respect to the broader community was to keep them guessing, to encourage confusion. Within the Shi’ah community, confusion needed to be dispelled and consensus had to be established primarily on doctrinal grounds, that the Imam [AS] existed. But for the broader community particularly the political authorities confusion was highly desirable in other words, ‘did the 11^th Imam [AS] die with issue or without issue?’ This was a question upon which it was desirable that the caliphal authorities should be kept guessing. It seems that at least in the earlier part of the lesser occultation that the Abbasid Caliphs and Sunni opinion at large was convinced that Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] had died without issue, that no son was left to the Imamate and an identifiable and viable institution (the Imamate) had come to an end. This conclusion had beneficial results for the Shi’ah community in that it was thought that minus an Imam – an immediately accessible, visible, identifiable Imam the Shi’ah community would lose it’s raison d’etre and gradually dissolve and therefore some of the restrictive measures that had been continually intensified, were relaxed. This of course further facilitated the operations of the wakil in administering the Shi’ah community. This was not only a matter of the Abbasid Caliphate, early Sunni opinion that is to say learned religious opinion among Sunnis also was that the 11^th Imam [AS] had died without leaving a son. Somewhat later a kind of compromised belief arose among many Sunni authorities that the Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] had indeed had a son, but that this son had died at the age of nine somewhere in Morocco and had therefore not left any descendants of his own behind. The source of this belief is a little curious. It is probably a reflection of hadith that can be found in Sunni sources, that there will be twelve caliphs, acceptance of this hadith implied that there should be twelve, and if there were eleven then there was a lack – there had to be twelve and therefore who was the 12^th? It was the son of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] but he had died. There was therefore an acceptance of a total of twelve but a wish, in fact a determination to avoid what is from the Shi’ah point of view the essential corollary of that belief in the 12^th Imam [AS] that he is in a state of ghaybah. Therefore a natural biological death was posited for this 12^th Imam [AS]. Somewhat later again, in fact considerable later in the 15^th century AD, a further evolution is seen in the Sunni belief of the 12^th Imam [AS] that he did have a historical existence, and had lived to adulthood but the particular lineage of the Imams [AS] had indeed come to an end thereafter, and he bestowed successorship to the Sufis rather than upon himself. An interesting development which is simply illustrative of the developments of that particular point in Islamic History, it cannot be taken in any way as a statement of historical fact concerning the evolution of the Imamate.

These two functions of the wakil, to confirm the existence of the Imam [AS] to the Shi’ah community whilst concealing his whereabouts, secondly, to encourage confusion among the non-Shi’ah. Then of course there was the collection of the Khums and of other taxes of a religious nature. It remained the task of the wakil during the period of the occultation to collect the Khums and to forward it. Despite what is said about the reinforcement of administrative networks and the enhancement of the role of the wakil there were some claimants to the title and function of the wakil after the beginning of the lesser occultation. These are connected not surprisingly to the Khums, they wanted to get their hands on the money. A mechanism had to be elaborated therefore for distinguishing the real wakil from his unauthorized competition. And the criterion that was established goes back again to the pre-occultation period. It may be recalled that the claim of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] to the Imamate was disputed by his brother Ja’far, and quite apart from all other considerations it was said that one of the signs whereby an authentic Imam could be recognized is his ability to know intuitively the amount of the Khums that is being conveyed to him. And on one occasion a caravan bearing Khums from Qum was coming to Samarra and Ja’far was challenged to establish by intuitive means the amount of Khums in question and he not surprisingly failed to guess correctly. And this same criterion was applied after the occultation, to the wakil, if the wakil were able to judge correctly the amount of the Khums that was being conveyed, and even as a supplementary criteria the names of those who were bringing it then indeed he was the authentic wakil to whom Khums could safely and legitimately be paid, failing such knowledge he should be dismissed as a false claimant. One can see here how not only his administrative function but even a spiritual attribute, a particular quality and ability is devolved from the Imams [AS] to their named representatives. That is the ability to by paranormal means to estimate and guess correctly the amount of Khums being conveyed.

Last among the distinctive functions of the wakil in the time of the lesser occultation was most importantly of all – communication with the Imam [AS] in his place of concealment. Because what is being dealt with now is concealment with the Imam [AS] being in a specific geographical location which is concealed from others. The wakil would refuse to answer the question even from trusted members of the Shi’ah community on the whereabouts of the Imam [AS]. In other words the place of concealment had to be concealed. According to the most common account, the place of concealment was the Hijaz, that is to say that it was Makkah and Madinah and primarily the latter – the city of Madinah. It may be recalled that in childhood the 12^th Imam [AS] according to common belief was secretly conveyed to Madinah by his grandmother who was able to make the journey on the pretext of making the Hajj. It is said that the entire period of the lesser occultation was spent by the 12^th Imam [AS] in Madinah. It is also said that he would emerge from his place of concealment, his specific place of concealment in Madinah once a year on the occasion of the Hajj. He would mingle with the pilgrims but would only be recognized by the wakils the unique representatives of his. This annual emergence of the Imam [AS] from concealment to mingle with the pilgrims on the occasion of the Hajj is significant in a number of ways. Later also the belief arose that even during the period of the greater occultation that is to say when the Imam [AS] has been removed, withdrawn from the physical plain he might make an annual appearance on the occasion of the Hajj. It can be heard even today stories from persons who claim or imagine that they have actually seen the 12^th Imam [AS] on the occasion of the Hajj. Beyond that it is of course as will be seen, when the circumstances of the anticipated return of the Imam [AS] are discussed to the manifest plain – it is in Makkah that he will make his reappearance. In other words he will make his reappearance at that focal point of the entire Islamic community. He will be seen to return not simply as a leader of a given sectarian movement in Islam called Shi’ism – he will appear to assume his function of general leadership in the entire Islamic community and beyond that – to spread Islam in the world today. It is important that he should not reappear in Kufah, Najaf or Kerbala – one of those places associated narrowly and specifically with the sacred geography of Shi’ism but rather with that central place of orientation that is Makkah.

The whereabouts of the Imam [AS] and where he commenced the greater occultation

There is a competing tradition that the 12^th Imam [AS] entered the greater occultation in Samarra, that city in northern Iraq where he an his immediate forebears had been compelled to reside. In other words not that he was taken from Samarra to Madinah whilst still a child but that he spent all the periods of the lesser occultation in Samarra. It is said that on one occasion the agents of the Abbasid Caliph suspecting that after all Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] had indeed left a son behind came to search the house where upon he, the 12^th Imam [AS], descended into the cellar beneath the house and from there though means unspecified, through miraculous means, entered the state of the greater occultation and was removed from the physical plain. This is a less common tradition, the predominant opinion that is strongly supported is that the Imam [AS] spent the period of the lesser occultation in Madinah and it was there he entered into the greater occultation and it is Makkah that he will return to the manifest plain. If the authenticity of this tradition is accepted that the Imam [AS] during the lesser occultation was resident in Madinah, it was in Madinah that the main representatives – four of them in turn, were in communication with him. The communication was exercised in written form, the technical term for a written communication from the occulted Imam [AS] to his named representative is tauqi. In general Arabic usage it means signature, but it is applied to the communications of the Imams [AS] with his named representatives precisely because it bore the signature of the Imam [AS]. His signature was seen as a sign of authenticity and authority, the plural of it being tauqi’at. Some of the documents, or the texts or the documents themselves have been preserved in the Shi’ah sources and they concern a large number of matters mostly of an administrative nature concerning that all important symbolic as well as material question of the Khums. It is noteworthy that at least the texts of the tauqi’at that have been preserved do not contain anything of a political nature. That is that they do not speak of the necessity of resistance to the Abbasids, they contain nothing of an insurrectionary nature. It can be said that the Imam [AS] in the period of the lesser occultation is already anticipating the greater occultation that which will be of indefinite duration therefore the question of short term political measures, insurrection, acts of resistance would be entirely irrelevant.

How the Imam [AS] was communicated with?

How did the named representative maintain a communication with the Imam [AS] in Madinah in other words how did these tauqi’at reach him? Not a great deal was known in this connection i.e. how frequent was the communication, it seems that the Hajj was a good season for the messages to pass back and forth. Even if the wakil did not go on a Hajj then presumably trustworthy persons might be given messages to convey in one direction or another quite simply because of the large number of people that go on the Hajj. Even the Saudis in modern times have found it difficult to exercise censorship of everything that goes on during the Hajj season because of the large number of people involved. It is interesting to note that outside the Hajj season people were often entrusted with conveying letters and documents back and forth who were ignorant and even irreligious people. Why? Because an ignorant and irreligious person was less liable to arouse the hostile attention of the caliphal authorities than someone known to be a pious member of the Shi’ah community. Therefore any ignorant sinner would do their job, even sinners had their utility. These are some of the functions of the wakil in this important period.

The first of the four wakils is Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari – he entered the service of the Imamate in the time of the 9^th Imam [AS] Imam Muhammad al-Jawwad [AS], he became the chief wakil thereafter of the 10^th Imam [AS] Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], he retained his position in the Imamate of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS], and as mentioned Imam Hassan al-Askari said that after my death let Uthman will be the representative – the wakil of my son, and then after him let his son be the representative. Therefore the succession to the office of the wakil on the part of Uthman’s son was predetermined already before the occultation. Uthman is said to have had this spiritual gift of having been able to deduce intuitively the amount of the Khums that was underway on any given occasion – he could also name the people bringing the Khums even though he had no previous acquaintance with them. In his time it seems that the organization of the community actually flourished. This was one of the numerous paradoxes – the Imam [AS] was gone from immediate accessability, he was now in concealment but the administrative structure was not only preserved intact but actually seems to have spread. Firstly the centre of the administrative structure was transferred from Samarra to Baghdad. There was no longer any purpose for it to be in Samarra after the death there of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] and the transferal of Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [AS] to Madinah. Therefore the headquarters were transferred from Samarra to Baghdad – more precisely to the predominantly Shi’i area of Baghdad known as Karkh across the Tigris from the main part of the caliphal capital, and from Karkh Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari sent new representatives to additional centres, not only Madinah, Qum, Basrah and Baghdad we also now have representatives of the wakil the head of the administrative pyramid in Azerbijan the Northwestern Province of Iran in terms of present day geography – the city of Rayy – once upon a time a large and important city now just a village south of Baghdad. And then in Kabul, it is interesting to note that Kabul in this period had a Shi’i community of sufficient size and importance to warrant the appointment of a representative of the wakil. Spreading out from each of these subordinate centres were presumably a large number of other more localized representatives again ignorant of each others identity for purposes of secrecy. The secrecy that was still necessary despite the partial relaxation of persecution by the Abbasids is visible in another way as well. Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari was not by profession a religious scholar his profession was rather that of a butter seller, he sold old clarified butter (what is called ghee, and in Arabic Samna). Obviously the exercise of any trade would be a useful cover but particular to be a butter seller, a wholesale dealer in Ghee was appropriate and useful because the Khums would also sometime be delivered along with the butter. The Khums would be concealed in the sacks that would contain the butter. It would be brought from outlying places in these sacks and then when the Khums would be distributed amongst it’s recipients it would be packed along with the butter in order to avoid suspicion. We also know that another of the associates of Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari in this period was a dealer in cotton, and the same thing applies here – the Khums would be concealed in the bails of cotton that were received and then distributed. This then gives us an idea of the actual mode of receipt and distribution of the Khums by Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari.

How was the status of the successive safirs validated? and the period of the next three safirs. Re-emergence of Ghulat and their historical antecedents

There are two different dates for the death of Uthman ibn Sa’id al-‘Umari – the more likely is 280 AH, 893 AD. And he was succeeded in accordance with hadith already mentioned of the 11^th Imam [AS], by his son Abu Ja’far. Abu Ja’far presided over his father’s funeral prayers and came to exercise his functions - in just the same way that the transmission of the Imamate from one Imam [AS] to the next was subject to dispute likewise the transmission of the wikala, the agency, from Uthman to Abu Ja’far was disputed – above all by a certain theologian called ibn Hilal. He claimed that there was no reason to claim that Abu Ja’far was the legitimate successor to his father. However a Tauqi – a written declaration from the Imam [AS] in his concealment in Madinah was received and ibn Hilal was denounced and thereafter Abu Ja’far exercised his function without any serious opposition from any quarter. What is worth noting at this point – during the period of the lesser occultation and specifically the tenure of the second wakil is a re-emergence of the Ghulah, those who literally exaggerate. That is to say they exaggerate regarding the attributes, status and functions of the Imam [AS]. They made a significant appearance during the time of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] and Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS]. They went beyond asserting the unique legitimacy and qualities of the Imams [AS] to claim for them a more exalted status that they were not made of the normal stuff of biological human composition, they were made from a special body of light stored beneath the Divine Throne, they were essentially Divine Manifestations, they were superior to the Prophet [SAW] and so forth. They had gone into eclipse but now in the conditions of the Ghaybah they make something of a comeback. They had never simply gone out of existence but had simply degenerated into a conglomeration of unrelated groups not particularly interested in propagating their claims. Some among the Ghulat however saw in the new conditions of the occultation a chance to reassert themselves – most of the names in this connection are entirely insignificant because they came and went without leaving any impact. One name does deserve mention that is Muhammad ibn Nusair – he first came on the scene in the time of Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS], and came forward with the remarkable assertion that Imam Ali al-Hadi [AS] was God and that he Muhammad ibn Nusair was the prophet of God. Later as often happens with movements which are doctrinally extravagant he modified his claims but not in the direction of greater credibility and acceptability but on the contrary becoming more and more extreme ultimately it seems claiming Godhead for himself. There was very little acceptance for the claims of Muhammad ibn Nusair in his lifetime and certainly not in the mass of the Twelver community. However he did have a certain posthumous influence giving rise to that particular sect which is known as the Nusairi sect which still exists in Syria and to some extent is South-Eastern Turkey in terms of present day geography. He therefore deserves some kind of passing notice. There is some confusion on this point because the Nusairis you often find designated as ‘Alawi both in Syria and in Turkey. The Nusairis at the very best were situated on the outer fringes of even Ghulat Shi’ism later they absorbed all kinds of pre-Islamic beliefs and laid great emphasis on this notion of reincarnation that each of their leaders in succession is designated as a Divine Incarnation. They remained until very recent times a fairly small minority in Syria and South-Eastern Turkey. However they have in recent times been elevated to some degree in abundance, first by the French when they exercised the mandate in Syria in keeping with the usual colonial tactic of employing a loyal minority in order to rule over the majority – the French in their exercise of rule gave importance and prominence to the Nusairi community, placing them in important positions in the Civil administration and in the army. And indeed the core of the civil administration today is provided by the Nusairis. Hafez al-Assad and is son Bashar al-Assad were and are both Nusairis. Bashar al-Assad when his father died and it became necessary in accordance with the kind of mixed monarchical, republican system that we find in the Arab countries today – the only person to succeed such a worthy man was his son, the only problem was that according to the existing Syrian constitution he was too young. Therefore the Syrian constitution was revised to make the minimum age for the president not more and not less than 39 years of age which by a remarkable coincidence was the age of Bashar al-Assad at the time. All the sensitive military and intelligence posts in Syria are held by members of the Nusairi minority. However it was under the instigation of the French that the Nusairis called themselves instead the ‘Alawi in order to create the impression that they had some kind of linkage with Shi’ism and that they were therefore acceptable. In the mid 1970’s the Nusairi elders came out with a declaration of their beliefs which were indistinguishable from that of Twelver Shi’ism. This is a case of Taqiyyah, within Taqiyyah – there is no reason to assume that the thugs of the regime of Hafez al-Assad had undertaken a serious study of Shi’ah literature and found in convincing, it was again a question of political expedience a desire to re-orient themselves re-market themselves in a fashion that would conceal their essentially heretical nature. This same renaming took place across the border in Turkey also in South-Eastern Turkey both among the Kurds and the Turks. They partly go back to the Nusairis and partly go upon other antecedents. The rise of Twelver Shi’ism in Iran to be the state religion under the Safavids is in the first stages bought about by the Ghulat it is not bought about by Twelver Shi’ah. If you look at the acts of the first ruler Shah Isma’il, the background from which he sprang it is a Ghulat background drawing on some of the beliefs of the Nusairis concerning Divine Incarnation. In the short run the movement of Muhammad ibn Nusair has little importance but in the long run it does have these two important outcomes – the immediate but not the sole factor for the propagation of Shi’ism in Iran from the 16^th Century onwards, and it also gave rise to this small group which for entirely political reasons has captured power in Syria.
The second safir Abu Jaffer died in 305 AH, 917 AD after a lengthy and fairly successful exercise of the office. So successful was he in fact that the Abbasids began to doubt whether indeed the 11^th Imam [AS] had died without issue. Because it seemed to them that the existence of a fairly widespread and organized community could be explicable only in terms of continued loyalty to an actually existing and present Imam [AS]. There was therefore a renewal of pressure on the Shi’ah community After the death of Abu Ja’far hereditary succession is bought to an end and the third safir is a person by the name of Hussain al-Nawbakhti as his last name indicates he was from an Iranian family that was prominent in a variety of fields in the Abbasid period some of them scholars and some of them administrators this particular Nawbakhti doubled interestingly enough as the named representative of the Imam [AS] and as the administrator of the person estates of the Abbasid Caliph – a remarkable juggling act. He died in 937 AD and was succeeded by the fourth and last of the named representatives Ali al-Samarri as his name implies he was from Samarra – he held the office for only four years and died in the year 941 AD without proclaiming a successor and this therefore bought to an end the period of the lesser occultation a period in which the Imam had been physically present on the earth although concealed at an undisclosed location and represented by this succession of four named individuals. Why did Ali al-Samarri not name a successor? Because it is said that six days before his death he received a tauqi from the Imam [AS] in Madinah telling him that precisely six days later he was going to die and that he should not appoint a successor:-

‘Prepare your affairs, six days from now you shall die and do not appoint anyone to take your place after your death for the second occultation has now occurred…’

Therefore it is not simply that the institution of the named agent has been bought to an end in conjunction with that and more significantly the second occultation has begun that is to say the period of the major occultation. The tense used should be noticed ‘…the second occultation has now occurred…’ in other words by the time that the tauqi reaches the hands of Ali al-Samarri from the Imam [AS] in Madinah the Imam [AS] has already entered into that state of complete occultation in other words a withdrawal from the physical plain. The tauqi also goes on to mention some of the circumstances which will accompany the renewed appearance of the Imam [AS] and how authority is to be exercised in his absence in this new period of the occultation. The last point to be made is the following, that with the second occultation of the Imam [AS] the doctrinal structure of Shi’ism receives another important defining element. Normative Shi’ism is the belief in 12 Imams [AS], neither more nor less, secondly it involves a belief in Ghaybah in the absence of the Imam [AS] and equally important an acceptance of - that occultation resting upon a delicate but important equilibrium an aspiration for the ending of the occultation and a patient endurance in the absence of the Imam [AS]. On the one hand as a matter of religious duty and fidelity to the truth as perceived by Shi’ah Islam one recognizes that the Imam [AS] is no longer upon the Earth. One should not be tempted as the Imam [AS] mentions in the above tauqi by those who claim to be the Imam [AS] returned. So there is patient endurance but on the other hand an ardent aspiration for the return of the Imam [AS]. In pious usage when one mentions the name of the Imam [AS] – it is said, ‘May Allah (SWT) hasten his return.’ ‘ ‘Ajal Allah Ta ‘Ala Farajahum’. There is a desire for the return to be hastened but on the other hand going together with that the patient endurance of the absence until Divine Wisdom should decree that the return is appropriate.

LECTURE 17

Synopsis

-Recap from last lecture
-Crisis after the greater occultation, arguments against the fact that the occultation was invented to find pragmatic solutions to these crises.
-How to deal with the administration of the Khums during the ghaibah and how to explain the prolonged life of the Imam [AS].
-Purposes of the ghaibah and an examination of some of the titles of the Imam [AS]
-The gradual development of the authority of the scholars

Recap

Last lecture the end of the lesser occultation was spoken about a period in which the existence of the 12^th Imam [AS] is gradually established in the minds of the Shi’i community as a fact and a period in which he was represented by a succession of four named individuals who were accessible to the community. They served as intermediaries between the community and the hidden Imam [AS]. It was pointed out that six days before the death of the fourth of the named representatives ‘Ali Samarri a communication was received from the Imam [AS] informing him that he would die and that he [AS] the Imam [AS] had already entered into the greater occultation. It was in fact an established custom for each of the named representatives the wakils or the safirs to receive a similar communication from the Imam [AS] predicting their death on a certain date. So it must have been with a certain trepidation that the communication from the hidden Imam [AS] would be received by the wakil. The difference with this last communication being of course that the fourth representative was instructed not to name a successor and was informed that the Imam [AS] had gone into the greater occultation. And he warned that during the greater occultation anyone claiming to represent him should be rejected that is to say that any single named individual claiming to have particular privileged communication with the Imam [AS] should be rejected, and that he [AS] would return once the world had been filled with tyranny and injustice to an unprecedented degree. He [AS] remarked also that his ultimate return would be marked not simply by the filling of the world with injustice, but also by certain observable signs, the emergence of a certain individual in Syria called al-Sufian, and other celestial signs for example a voice in the heavens proclaiming that the 12^th Imam [AS] is to appear or maybe has already appeared. So the receipt of this communication by the fourth of the named representatives marked the beginning of the greater occultation.

Crisis after the greater occultation, arguments against the fact that the occultation was invented to find pragmatic solutions to these crises

Not surprisingly the greater occultation just like the lesser occultation precipitated a new crisis within the Shi’ah community, for an obvious reason that now very basic questions such as the utility - the very purpose of an Imam [AS] who is not simply inaccessible to the majority of his followers but no longer present on the physical plain, such basic questions came forward occasioning considerable doubt and hesitation both within and beyond the Shi’i community. It is of course possible from a certain point of view to hypothesise that the greater occultation, the beginning of the greater occultation was again an inspired pragmatic solution to a certain crisis. In other words in just the same way that the apparent death of the 11^th Imam without a male issue had been resolved by proclaiming that indeed such a child existed but he [AS] was hidden from the community, in just the same way that this had been put forward as a solution to a problematic situation now likewise the greater occultation might be conceived of as a pragmatic solution to a new crisis. What would the nature of that new crisis be? Specifically the assumption by the wakils by the named representatives of the hidden Imam [AS] of powers and even of attributes that seemed peculiar only to the Imams [AS] themselves. For example the ability to miraculously estimate and not simply to estimate but in fact to specify precisely the amount of Khums that was being delivered on a certain occasion. We found this being done by the Imams [AS] and later by some of the wakils. One theory that is being put forward by historians of this period is that the wakils were becoming more than simple representatives of the Imam [AS], they were through force of circumstance or deliberately taking the place of the Imam [AS]. Back again, this pragmatic hypothetical argument seems untenable for two reasons – just as we argue that the pragmatic explanation for the lesser occultation is ultimately untenable. As far as the major occultation is concerned why is this notion rejected as improbable that the greater occultation was simply the result of a desire to cut short the ambitions of the wakils. Firstly because although that particular problem might appear to have been solved by ending the institution of the Wikala, a very large number of new problems were created by the beginning of the major occultation in other words in order to solve one problem a whole series of new problems had been created. This in itself argues against the likelihood of a conscious, pragmatic even cynical decision being made to proclaim the greater occultation. The major problem being as already suggested namely the utility, the purpose, the benefit of having an Imam [AS] who is in a state of complete occultation i.e. absence from the physical plain without even a named representative to speak on his behalf and to serve as an intermediary to the community – a very severe problem solutions to which of course are ultimately elaborated. This was indeed a problem and it is difficult to imagine that the occurrence of this problem would have been ignored and not anticipated by the leaders of the Shi’ah community if for reasons of their own they had pushed to posit in favour of a complete occultation in the absence of the fact. And the second and maybe more important argument is the same as advanced in the previous case namely the circulation of hadith from various Imams [AS] from a much earlier period that had spoken precisely of a two stage Ghaybah – that is to say not only the minor occultation which had now come to and an end but also the major occultation which had begun.
These hadiths had come into circulation may years earlier and at this point it seems because of the particular circumstances of the age had been attaining greater currency. Among the hadiths in question the following two can be cited, one from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in which he says:-

‘There will arise from our family (ahl al-bait [AS]) one who will be absent from view and his whereabouts will only be known to a number of his intimate associates and then he will be absent from this world and direct communication with him will be ruptured.’

Clearly this hadith put forwards the two stages of the Ghaybah, the first part indicates the lesser occultation, Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] is recorded to have said ‘There will arise from our family (ahl al-bait [AS]) one who will be absent from view…’. He will be physically present on earth but absent from view ‘…his whereabouts will be known only to a number of his intimate associates…’i.e. the wakils and then‘…he will be absent from this world…’i.e. the major occultation will follow,‘…and direct communication with him will be ruptured.’ In other words there will be no direct communication with him because the institution of the Wikala of the named representatives, this has also come to an end. Then we have another hadith from the 8^th Imam [AS] Imam Ali al-Rida [AS], in which he cites the Prophet [SAW] himself to have said:-

‘There will be from among my descendants twelve leaders (Imams) the last of who will be al-Qa’im, he will enter into occultation and then emerge bearing the sword.’

Therefore from the 6^th and 8^th Imams [AS] hadiths which clearly indicate the future occurrence of the major occultation. So we can say that there is clear scriptural proof for an anticipation of al-Ghaybah, that is to say the major occultation within the Shi’ah community despite the problems that were created by it’s occurrence problems of both a doctrinal and practical nature. Before a discussion on the examination of these problems it maybe good to point out that it can be seen from a different point of view that an overall progression, and therefore a preparation for the occultation in this period of Shi’i history. In other words it can be said to recapitulate that the periods of the 9^th, 10^th and 11^th Imams [AS], a period in which the Imams [AS] were subject to increasing surveillance and isolation from the community at large was a preparation for the minor occultation. In other words the Shi’ah community became used to and accustomed to the idea of, or reality of an Imam [AS] who is indeed present upon the earth, at a known location but inaccessible to them. One degree of withdrawal from the community although a forced and involuntary one. This in a sense prepared the community for the minor occultation in which the Imam [AS] is still present on earth but his whereabouts are unknown and access to him may be had only through a single named representative, this in turn prepared the community to some degree, they still had to contend with a persistence of problems and doubts, but to some degree it prepared the community for the greater occultation, that is to say a further degree of withdrawal of the Imam [AS] now took place on the part of the Imam [AS] and put simply from one point of view an intensification of the situation already experienced by the community.
Moreover the 12^th Imam [AS] in the period of the lesser occultation is reported to have said the following:-

‘Those who try to fix a time for my re-emergence are liars.’

In other words a prohibition of any attempt to foretell in precise chronological terms the time at which the 12^th Imam [AS] will emerge from his occultation. And if this hadith were in wide circulation at the time this must also have constituted a type of preparation on the part of the community in other words they anticipated the greater occultation which would be of indefinite duration and therefore the duty of patience would be imposed upon them. However having said all of this, that there was a mode of preparation deriving from the historical experience in the immediately preceding period and also the circulation of hadith that pointed to two stages of Ghaybah but still there were a number of practical problems. There were for example questions and doubts raised both at the scholarly level and at the level of the common believers. And there is documentary evidence of this from the writings of a certain scholar who emerged in the time of the greater occultation. Al-Nu’mani writes that people would come to him asking him quite simply, ‘Where is the Imam [AS]?’, ‘What is happening with the institution of the Imamate?’ Such people in explaining their doubts, giving rise to these questions they would remark the following that:-

‘If the Imam [AS] had been born in 256 AH (870 AD) then gone into the major occultation in 329 AH (941 AD) then he would have been 73 years old at the beginning of the greater occultation.’ So it was asked if not then tentatively suggested by these questioners that maybe he simply died after all 73 years would be a quite reasonable lifespan. Then others went somewhat further – here we are not dealing with polemics from outside the Shi’ah community but questions raised within the Shi’ah community – others said that maybe the Imam [AS] had never existed at all, that there had been no occultation either minor or major. The said that after all we never even saw the Imam [AS] before the beginning of the greater occultation. It maybe imagined that these questions were raised primarily at the popular level where the traditions that are cited are less likely to have been known and in wide circulation. They seem to have led to a temporary defection on the part of some members of the Shi’ah community but unlike previous succession crises in the history of the Imamate we do not find now the emergence of any new groups or sects in other words these are simply people with doubts and questions who did not go on to form a counter theory of their own rejecting or disputing the reality of the Ghaybah. So this is on a popular level.

How to deal with the administration of the Khums during the ghaibah and how to explain the prolonged life of the Imam [AS]

On a scholarly level and again we know this from the writings of Nu’mani problems or doubts were perceived to exist – no doubt the scholar were better acquainted with the relevant traditions than were the bulk of the community, the traditions like the ones cited pointing to the two stages of the Ghaybah but it is claimed that many of the scholars expected the major occultation to last a relatively short time, they did not expect it to last indefinitely, they maybe even expected it to come to an end maybe even in their own lifetimes. The indication of this is the all important question of the Khums, the tax which is the distinctive feature of Shi’i doctrine and practise – remember that the Khums was due to and payable to the Imams [AS] or to their named representatives. Now that the major occultation had begun the question arose what to do with the Khums? Not only is the Imam [AS] no longer present on the physical plain – he did also not have a named representative a wakil who the money might be sent to for him to in turn transmit it to the Imam [AS], for the Imam [AS] then to expend and distribute. Initially it seems that members of the Shi’ah community were told by the scholars simply to store up the Khums in their own houses, or possibly to bury it for safety in anticipation of the day which they obviously thought would be not long in coming, for the Imam [AS] to return and therefore to be in a position to receive the Khums. Alternatively if these individuals were not comfortable with this situation, because after all from a pious point of view one is not accountable if the Khums remains in ones possession – it should be transferred to an appropriate authority for the remainder of one’s property to become legitimate for one’s use, if not comfortable with that situation then it was suggested that they simply transfer that money to a scholar appointed by them. However that scholar could only act as a trustee since he was not a named authoritative representative of the Imam [AS] he could receive the money but not distribute it. Therefore this set of instructions or suggestions is a clear indication that the return of the Imam [AS] from the major occultation was anticipated relatively early in the near future because as of yet no alternative mechanism for collection and distribution had been elaborated. It can be said that there were several practical questions this one being the most obvious accompanying the beginning of the major occultation. Just the same way that there was that fundamental doctrinal problem – the benefit of the Imam [AS] in the state of occultation without a single named representative. Later and it is difficult to set a date for this it became apparent that the occultation would be prolonged indefinitely. In other words that the expectation for the return of the Imam [AS] in one’s own lifetime was misplaced. It became apparent that the prolongation of the life of the Imam [AS] would be far beyond a natural lifespan. Therefore in explanation both for members of the community and for those who raised polemical objections from outside analogies were drawn between the 12^th Imam [AS] and other personages who were believed to have had a supernaturally prolonged lifespan. Here there are two completely opposed cases that are relevant cited in the Shi’i literature. The first of them already touched upon is Prophet Isa [AS]. There were similarities in the circumstances of the birth of the 12^th Imam [AS] and the birth of Isa [AS] as recounted in the Quran – both Isa [AS] and the 12^th Imam [AS] speak immediately upon birth by proclaiming their message and their function and that both of them leave the earthly plain without suffering physical death.
The Ghaybah has been spoken of for some length – as for the case of Isa [AS] see (4:157):-

‘And their saying: Surely we have killed the Messiah, Isa son of Marium, the messenger of Allah; and they did not kill him nor did they crucify him, but it appeared to them so (like Isa) and most surely those who differ therein are only in a doubt about it; they have no knowledge respecting it, but only follow a conjecture, and they killed him not for sure.’ (4:157)

This states very implicitly that ‘they’ the Jewish did not kill him or crucify him – he was not killed on the cross indeed he was not even placed on the cross in the first place. The verse continues:-

‘Nay! Allah took him up to Himself; and Allah is Mighty, Wise’ (4:158)

The Quran also less explicitly but nonetheless clearly and unmistakably indicates that Isa [AS] will return

‘And most surely it is a knowledge of the hour, therefore have no doubt about it and follow me: this is the right path.’(43:61)

In this verse Isa [AS] is described as a sign of the hour of course the verse is subject to a number of different interpretations but the most common interpretation is that the return of Isa [AS] before the end of time would be a sign of it’s proximity also from a purely logical point of view it may be argued that every living being is bound to undertake, or to taste death as the Quran puts it, ‘..every soul shall taste death.’ Therefore if only to share in this universal experience of death it is therefore necessary that Isa [AS] must return to the human plain. There are of course a number of other important functions associated with his return but this is also one argument for his return from the doctrinal point of view. His return will be sign of the proximity of resurrection. To return to the parallel of Isa [AS] and the 12^th Imam [AS], it is argued therefore that the life of Isa [AS] at the time that the major occultation had already lasted much longer than a normal lifespan, close in fact to a millennium. It is therefore in principle entirely possible that other than Isa [AS] should have preternaturally extended lifetime once removed from earth and in case the argument appears to be somewhat arbitrary saying that if Isa [AS] then why not the 12^th Imam [AS] and in any case how can a life be prolonged indefinitely, absent from the physical plain then the answer is given that it is precisely the conditions of earthly life that cause decay and death. And therefore that once a life is removed from the physical plain with all of the factors of decay and corruption that ultimately induce death then it’s indefinite prolongation is entirely possible. In fact we find this world being referred to and here of course this is a general expression tied to Shi’ism – it is referred to as ‘Alam al-kauni wa-Fasad’ i.e. that this is world of generation and corruption. By corruption here it is not meant corruption in the moral sense, but in the physical material sense. Whatever comes into being – whatever is generated in this world will ultimately corrupt, decay and die. Therefore if a life is extracted from these conditions it’s prolongation on a different plain is conceivable and possible. Here one analogy advanced in favour of the major occultation, the indefinite prolongation of the life of the 12^th Imam [AS].

Then we have a diametrically opposed case of miraculously prolonged existence – that of the figure known as the Dajjal. The word Dajjal may be reasonably translated as the anti-christ, because the full designation of the Dajjal in Arabic is al-Masih al-Dajjal – Masih of course being the title given in the Quran to Isa [AS]. So Dajjal is sometimes called more fully al-Masih al-Dajjal. We can therefore not simply by way of a parallel between two traditions but quite literally translate Dajjal as the Antichristm, the maleficent that will appear at the end of time whose existence is testified to in numerous traditions both Sunnni and Shi’i. He is the antichrist in that he parodies the miracles of Isa [AS] i.e. he will imitate those miracles, and his imitation will be successful, in other words it will not be because of sleight of hand – he will indeed restore the dead to life – he will reverse the natural order by making water burn and he will make fire cool. However the source of this power is Satanic rather than Divine. There will however tradition tells us – both Sunni and Shi’i that very many people will be unable to note this important difference that the miracles are of Satanic rather than Divine origin. In some traditions it is said that the Dajjal existed already in the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW]. This cannot be documented from the Quran it is purely a question of hadith both Sunni and Shi’i and this being the case, Dajjal just like Isa [AS] of whom he is the negative counterpart has a prolonged existence and like Isa [AS] will return at the end of time. So this too supplies an analogy for the case of the 12^th Imam [AS]. Anticipating what will be said later about the conditions and circumstances of the anticipated return of the 12^th Imam [AS] we can see already that there are these three figures or personages who will emerge at the end of time. Isa [AS], Dajjal and the 12^th Imam [AS]. And the eschatological scenario involves interaction amongst these three with not surprisingly the 12^th Imam [AS] having supremacy, Dajjal is put to death either directly by the 12^th Imam [AS], or by Isa [AS] acting on behalf of and at the instructions of the 12^th Imam [AS]. But the point that is relevant now is that an indefinite prolongation of life outside of the natural sphere has occurred already before the beginning of the occultation these two diametrically opposed examples.

So this is one answer that was given in answer to the doubts within the community – that is that indefinite prolongation of a life is indeed conceivable. Then the more important question is, of what use is an Imam [AS] who is in complete occultation and is absent from the physical plain without a named intermediary? Of what use is an Imam [AS] who is doubly removed from access to his community? Doubly removed in that he has no named individual representing him. Here in answer to the question the argument was in fact turned on it’s head, it was said that one purpose or use of the major occultation was in fact to vindicate the whole doctrine of the Imamate. Why? Because it has been seen several of the Imams [AS] had in their hadith predictions of the occurrence of the occultation so that the actual occurrence of the occultation vindicated the predictions by the Imams [AS]. Nu’mani the same individual whose works is being summarised here, says that:-

‘Considering the large number of traditions predicting the Ghaybah transmitted over the centuries if he occultation had not occurred then the very principle of the Imamate would have been proved invalid by occurrence of the Ghaybah Allah (SWT) has proved the authenticities of the Imams [AS] warnings and indeed their general veracity.’

So that from this particular point of view the occurrence of the Ghaibah far from casting doubt upon the principle of the Imamate serves as a vindication of it. An event that was predicted by the Imams [AS] has now occurred therefore not simply those predictions but the general veracity of the Imams [AS] has been proven. So that the Ghaibah in other words from being a doctrical burden has been turned into a factor of advantage. In addition to this answer we have other purposes of the Imam [AS] during his occultation being suggested. First it was said that the Ghaibah fulfils as it were a punitive purpose, this had been touched upon earlier that is that the community was unworthy of the presence of the Imam [AS] on a physical plain and it might be said with respect to the Shi’ah community, it had become increasingly unworthy in the time immediately before the occultation in the sense that after the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] there had been wide spread doubts within the community about the existence of the 12^th Imam [AS]. Instead of entrusting in the general doctrine that the earth will never be without a Hujjah i.e. without an Imam [AS], people had raised all kinds of doubts and questions and split into a number of short-lived but nonetheless vigorous sects putting forward different opinions. Then again in the period of the lesser occultation there had been doubts and problems being raised as had been sketched upon already. Therefore it can be said that the increasing withdrawal of the Imam [AS] from presence on the physical plain from access from the community had gone together with even caused by still augmented unworthiness on the part of the community.

Purposes of the ghaibah and an examination of some of the titles of the Imam [AS]

Then complementing this purpose of the Ghaibah, the punitive purpose was what one might call the educational purpose or the purgative purpose. In other words if the community had proven unworthy of the Imam [AS] now was the chance to purge itself of that unworthiness by remaining patient during this prolonged period of separation. Patient in the sense of maintaining their belief in the Imam [AS] and purifying themselves morally in such a way that his ultimate return might find a community ready, waiting for him extending it’s sincere and comprehensive assistance to him [AS]. Then to it was said that the Imam [AS] even in a state of complete occultation fulfilled yet another simple purpose that is belief in him [AS]. To believe in the Imam [AS] regardless of his accessibility or inaccessibility, his presence or his absence is in of itself a religious merit insofar as belief in the Imam [AS] is one of the articles of faith, therefore the simple act of believing in him [AS], whatever his practical consequences is in and of itself of benefit. Beyond that it is maintained sometimes that the very validity of one’s religious acts for example prayer fasting and other acts of devotion, pilgrimage all of these depend on their validity of belief in the Imam [AS]. In other words if one does not have a belief in the Imam [AS] from the point of view of Shi’ah Islam, the validity of one’s mandatory prayers is in itself dubious or at least reduced. Therefore from this point of view as well the existence of the Imam [AS] the belief in the Imam [AS] despite his absence is of crucial benefit and desirability. So there are these varying answers that are given to this question.

Ultimately of course the purpose of the Imam [AS] fulfilled by him is a future one that is to say it is a postponed one until a distantly anticipated point in the future of various functions that he will fulfil. It is useful to examine some of the titles and epithets that are given to him, beginning with that compound title already mentioned in the lectures al-Qa’im al-Mahdi. It was pointed out that these attributes taken separately from each other are applied also to some of the preceding Imams [AS] – however as a compound endowed with a particular sense al-Qa’im al-Mahdi is a description of an attribute of exclusively the 12^th Imam [AS]. Some of the ambiguities of some of the meanings of al-Qa’im can be elaborated upon. The word Qa’im can mean one who stands, or one who arises, beyond that it should be pointed out that in Arabic Grammar a present participle like al-Qa’im may either have a present sense or a future sense, therefore the word al-Qa’im could be translated either as the one who stands or the one who will stand – the one who arises or the one who will arise – and this too is relevant to the understanding of the title as bestowed upon the 12^th Imam [AS]. If we disregard the meaning of standing that applies to the term al-Qa’im and concentrate on the sense of ‘rise’ the one who arises. Then clearly this taken in the future sense will apply only to the 12^th Imam [AS]. In other words al-Qa’im is understood as an attribute of the 12^th Imam [AS] to be the one who will arise in the future he will stand up he will rise in the future, in order to vindicate the cause of the Imamate. Another possible sense of al-Qa’im endowed with a future sense is of course ‘the one who will be resurrected’. This shade of meaning gives rise or has given rise in the past to some problems of understanding, because if we understand the 12^th Imam [AS] to be the one who will be resurrected, al-Qa’im being in the sense of arising from the grave – this is taken to mean that he is not in ghaibah but he has simply died however will be resurrected, as it were selectively resurrected in advance of the mass of humanity. The marginal plausibility of this understanding is strengthened or is seen to be strengthened even by some hadiths from the Imams [AS]. We have a hadith from Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] in which he says:-

‘Our affair (Our cause i.e. the cause of the Shi’ah) resembles that of a person who is put to death by Allah (SWT) for a hundred years and then rises again.’

So here there is an explicit mention of death and resurrection. However it can be said here of course that this is an analogy, not a precise analogy a comparison – an attempt to make a paranormal event comprehensible in terms of familiar human experience i.e. death. However on the other hand we have a hadith that is more problematic, more difficult to explain in this sense from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] in which he says that:-

‘The 12^th Imam [AS] will rise after his death for an important task’

Here the word used is death and there is no room for a comparison or an analogy. In explanation of this hadith it has been said that here the Imam [AS] may have been speaking under conditions of taqiyyah. It will be recalled that taqiyyah that is to say dissimulation of true intent for reasons of prudence. In other words it may have been thought desirable to convey the impression that the 12^th Imam [AS] had indeed died a biological death. Alternatively it has been said that here there is an implied metaphor, that is that the ghaibah for the non-believer is as good as death – why because of a lack of a tangible or visible presence in this world. The important task in question is obvious i.e. the important task that he will ultimately fulfil within the faith of the Shi’ah cause upon his re-emergence. In any event whatever one makes of these two hadiths which raise or seem to raise in their wording the possibility of death as identical to the ghaibah or at least comparable to it there is the simple fact that the world will never be without a hujjah. The overall overriding principle that the world, creation can at not time be without a hujjah i.e. without an Imam [AS] therefore the death of the Imam [AS] is axiomatically impossible. Finally in explanation of this problematic hadith it has been said that what will die out is in fact not the Imam [AS] himself but awareness of him. That his occultation will be so long that he will die out from the memories of most people so that it was as if he were dead, not that he is actually dead. Therefore to return from this excursive concerning death it is very improbable that what is meant by al-Qa’im is the one who will be resurrected, rather it is the one in the future who will rise up and vindicate the cause of the Shi’ah. It may be asked how then could the same epithet be applied to preceding Imams [AS], who obviously did indeed die and whose rising up is not predicted – then one would have to have recourse to other meanings of the world al-Qa’im because the verb in Arabic qama can also mean to undertake something to have authority, therefore a wide range of meanings. For example if we construe the verb qama and add the preposition ‘ala therefore ‘qama ‘ala’ this means to have supervisory powers over. And clearly the Imams [AS] in their time had supervisory powers over their community. Then again the verb qama can be construed with the preposition bi which then means to undertake a certain task ‘qama bi ‘amrin’, and therefore applies to the Imamate. It remains only to remark on this title of the 12^th Imam [AS] that the primary designation is al-qa’im and al-mahdi is secondary – or to think of it differently we can think of al-qa’im here as a noun and al-mahdi being an adjective describing that noun. We have a hadith from Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] in which he says:-

‘When the Qa’im arises he will distribute equally among all people and he will be called al-Mahdi.’

I.e. he will engage in in what modern terminology might call distributive justice – resources, wealth, provisions will be allocated justly among mankind and he will be called al-Mahdi. So al-Mahdi is a name that will accrue to him after he has emerged and arisen. Finally with respect to these two terms it should be pointed out that al-Qa’im is an exclusively Shi’i term it hardly has any resonance at all as a title or as an indication of religious function in Sunni Islam. Whereas al-Mahdi as previously pointed out is to be found in Sunni usage – Sunni Islam also has the doctrine of the ultimate emergence at the end of time of a salvific figure the difference being that the Mahdi anticipated by Sunni Muslims or at least those aware of this traditional doctrine will be born in the future and have a normal lifespan. It is probably fair to say without trying to trace an origin or to assign a monopolistic possession of the concept of the Mahdi to either Sunni or Shi’ah Islam, it is probably fair to say that the concept because of the importance given to it in the overall doctrinal framework of Shi’ah Islam received emphasis above all in Shi’ah Islam and then had some reflection in Sunni Islam as well. It is obvious that the figure of the Mahdi is not something upon which Sunni Muslims dwell, many Sunni Muslims because of the absence of any explicit mention in the Quran to this theme would even deny it’s veracity. Whereas it is essential to Twelver Shi’ism, the belief in the emergence of [i]al-Qa’im al-Mahdi[/i] towards the end of history. And insofar as it has emerged in Sunni Islam it may be because quite simply because of the general recognition that the affairs of the world are too profoundly corrupt and disordered to be remedied except by the actions of a person enjoying unique Divine support and authority. Which is again a general human recognition or at least has been until 20^th Century America, where it is imagined that with enough ingenuity and effort virtually everything on the face of the earth can be put right. But if we put aside that exception to the run of general realistic pessimism in the history of humanity the assumption and belief is that only through some mode of Divine intervention at the end of time can matters finally be put right.

This leads to the second most important designation given in Shi’ah tradition to the 12^th Imam [AS] Mahdi [i]Anar[/i] – the Mahdi of mankind. Which is pretty obvious explanatory in that the function of the [i]Mahdi[/i] when he re-emerges will be universal. He will not be sectarian in other words he does not simply emerge to assume or reassume the direct visible leadership of the Shi’ah community nor even to simply to vindicate the cause of the Imams [AS] but in the broader Islamic community he has ultimately a broader function. And one indication of this is that he will appear in Makkah, he will not appear in any of the sites peculiar to or specially emphasized in the sacred history of Shi’ism not in Kufa or Kerbala or Najaf, Kazimain, Samarra or even in Madinah but rather in Makkah. And he will appear in Makkah in front of the Ka’bah. Which is of course the point of orientation of the Muslim community, but you might ask at this point how does this square with the universality of the [i]Mahdi[/i], if he appears at a point which is of particular importance to the Muslim community because the Ka’bah is of course the primary indication of the Divine Unity upon earth. It is as it were the architectural expression of the Divine Unity, the terrestrial counterpart to the Divine Throne. It is designated in the Quran as not simply being the House of Allah ÓÈÍÇäå æÊÚÇáì, the house established for the monotheistic worship of Allah (SWT) but also as a house established for mankind, and therefore whether it’s significance as such be acknowledged by humans in general is from one point of view beside the point it is a established for the entirety of mankind. And therefore the appearance there of the [i]Mahdi[/i] at the Ka’bah will be an indication of his universal mission. In this same connection it is said that one of the functions of the Imam [AS] as [i]Mahdi anar[/i] when he appears at the Ka’bah will be that he shall bring forth the unadulterated texts of all preceding revelations specifically it is the Torah and the Injil which are mentioned. It is not to be thought the book that the Quran refers to as the Injil is somehow equivalent to the New Testament as it currently exists. The Injil is a book that is revealed to Isa [AS] according to the Quran it is not the record somewhat contradictory and fragmentary record of his sayings and his deeds that later came to constitute the New Testament. So the Torah and the Injil in their integrity, in their original form will be brought forth by the Mahdi on his reappearance at the end of time. There are also other aspects of his function at the end of time which will be dealt with later.

Thirdly there is the title [i]al-Hujjah[/i], [i]al-Hujjah[/i] as already mentioned is the title given to all of the Imams [AS] because one of the functions, maybe the primary function of the Imam [AS] at any point is to serve as the [i]Hujjah[/i] that is to say the Divine proof of His Will to guide mankind to the truth. However [i]al-Hujjah[/i] it receives particular emphasis as a designation for the 12^th Imam [AS] it seems for the following two reasons, firstly it seems that in the time of the lesser occultation it was forbidden for the community to reveal the name of the Imam [AS]. If you consider that his existence was kept a secret then this will be part and parcel of that same effort to hide him from the hostile intentions of the Abbasid Caliphs, his name itself was to remain unknown. And several of the [i]wakils[/i] when asked by members of the Shi’ah community ‘Tell us at least the name of our Imam [AS]’ they were refused and it is said that the 12^th Imam [AS] was referred to simply as [i]al-Hujjah[/i]. We find some of the traditions recorded from him as being in the following form ‘al-Hujjah ibn Hassan al-Askari [AS] said’. Then a second reason for emphasis of the 12^th Imam [AS] being [i]al-Hujjah[/i] was the same doctrinal question that was previously raised and discussed i.e. what is the status of the twelth Imam [AS] if he is in a state of complete occultation and part of the answer given is that he is [i]al-Hujjah[/i]. You often find him described in a variety of contexts as[i] al-Hujjah[/i]. He is [i]al-Hujjah [/i]of the time, beginning with the death of Imam Hassan al-Askari [AS] continuously down to the present, and in fact until his occultation he is [i]al-Hujjah[/i].

Then there are two title reserved exclusively to him [i]Sahib al-amr[/i] and [i]Sahib al-Zaman [/i]literally the ‘lord or master of the affair’ and the ‘master of the age’. These two are more or less synonymous with each other. The one who is entrusted with the affair – that is the one who is entrusted during the period of the occultation with the Imamate. Simply the words themselves do not provide any clue that this should exclusively be a title for the 12^th Imam [AS] himself. However there is a [i]hadith[/i] from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] when he was once asked:-

‘[i]Are you Sahib al-amr?’[/i]

To which the Imam answered:-

‘[i]No he will be the one who will fill the earth with justice as it is filled with injustice and wickedness.’ [/i]

There is a similar [i]hadith[/i] from Imam Muhammad al-Baqir [AS] – these [i]hadith[/i] point to the fact that [i]sahib al-amr[/i] which already in earlier usage was referred for the 12^th Imam [AS]. As for the second of these two virtually synonymous titles [i]Sahib al-Zaman[/i] – the lord of the master of the age – Zaman the period in question is of course the entire period of the occultation. Then finally among the titles is [i]Baqiatullah [/i]which alone among all these titles has a Quranic basis:-

‘[i]What remains with Allah is better for you if you are believers, and I am not a keeper over you.’ [/i](11:86)

[i]Baqiatullah[/i] – literally the remnant that which is left behind by Allah (SWT) is better for you if you are believers. What according to Shi’i exegetes is precisely the person of the 12^th Imam [AS], he is the remnant in the sense that he is the last personage for the conveyance of Divine Guidance. In other words Prophethood and Messengerhood were both sealed and bought to an end by the death of the Prophet [SAW] and now the line of the Imams [AS] has now been bought to an end by the 12^th Imam [AS], so the last individual personification of the Divine Will to guide is the 12^th Imam [AS]. It might be argued that the context of the verse does not indicate the 12^th Imam [AS] and the verse is capable of other interpretations, however the condition placed at the end of the verse [i]‘in kuntum mu’minin’ ‘If you are believers’[/i]. In other words if you are believers in the totality of authentic doctrine, from the point of view of Shi’ah Islam includes the Imamate then you will understand what is [i]Baqiatullah[/i] and you will be able to draw upon it’s benefits. So there are these titles of the 12^th Imam [AS] which also indicate something about the function, admittedly functions that lie in the future but the anticipation of this already has the purpose for the Shi’ah community in that it enables them to understand the continuing purpose as well as the future purpose of the Imamate. But of course we have to balance this with the ongoing practical problems faced by the community.

The gradual development of the authority of the scholars

It has already been mentioned about the question of[i] Khums[/i] there is one indication that practical problems arose in the community of what to do with the [i]Khums [/i]And we find that in the plain of Shi’i law and jurisprudence some consequences occurring as a result of the greater occultation and it’s indefinite prolongation. One may say in short and in anticipation of some later lectures that now the authority of the Imam [AS] was devolved to one degree or another on the religious scholars. This is a long and gradual process which has it’s final crystallisation in the doctrine of the rule by religious scholar [i]‘Wilayah al-Faqih’[/i] which is the constitutional basis of the Islamic Republic. That is in the absence in the continued absence of the Imam [AS] his governmental functions devolve upon not a single named individual as was the case during the lesser occultation but rather on the totality of the religious scholars or on the most qualified among them, whether it be an individual or a group. However from the beginning of the greater occultation to the articulation of that theory by Imam Khumaini and it’s application in the Islamic Republic of course many centuries passed. One can say that there is a gradual accumulation of duties and functions performed by the religious scholars in the meantime. And first is again the [i]Khums.[/i] Soon the realisation set in that the [i]Khums[/i] could not be allowed to accumulate for no good purpose indefinitely and therefore the [i]‘ulama[/i] the religious scholars regarded it as authorised that they should collect and distribute the [i]Khums[/i] on behalf of the Imam [AS]. And going together with this were a certain number of other functions for example the organisation of courts. The existence of a parallel judicial system has already been talked about under the Abbasids a situation in which recourse to the courts even for just a grievance was forbidden by the Imams [AS] to their followers. It is known also that other courts operating under the general authority of the Imam [AS] were in existence. Now in the period of the occultation we find that this function also is assumed by the religious scholars. This assumption of authority both administrative and leadership functions of the scholars gradually acquires a particular name [i]‘Niabah al-amr’[/i] as opposed to[i] ‘Niabah al-Khasah’ [/i]the specific deputyship. [i]Niabah al-Khasah[/i] this refers retrospectively to the period of the lesser occultation when there were specific named [i]deputies wakils[/i] or[i] safirs [/i]acting on behalf of the 12^th Imam [AS]. When the period of[i] Niabah al-Khasah[/i] came to the end with the onset of the greater occultation – then we have [i]Niabah al-‘ama[/i] the general deputyship. And what is meant by the general deputyship is that there is no longer a single named representative, that is named by the 12^th Imam [AS] himself acting on his behalf. Rather there is a diffuse and general deputyship exercised by the religious scholars. For this doctrine[i] of Niabah al-‘ama[/i] there are of course numerous proofs to be found in the body of Shi’i hadith. But there is one that is significantly enough prescribed to the 12^th Imam [AS] himself, when he is purported to have said:-

‘[i]Within our absence (Ghaibah) then consult on newly emerging problems with those who narrate our traditions.’ [/i]

Newly emerging problems are problems on which no detailed or explicit guidance is available either in the Quran or in the body of [i]hadith[/i] – consult those who narrate our traditions. Those who narrate our traditions, that is to say scholars who are aware of the traditions of the Imams [AS] and of the Prophet [SAW]. But more than that because the narration of traditions lies not simply on memorisation and transmission but also on awareness and understanding of the contents of the traditions therefore this phrase those who narrate those traditions might reasonably be paraphrased as the religious scholars in general – the scholars of Shi’i Islamic Law. It can be said therefore that the problem within the Shi’ah community of administration, leadership and guidance after the onset of the greater occultation gradually attains it’s solution by means of this principle[i] ‘al-Niabah al-‘amma’[/i]. The assumption by the religious scholars of an accumulating series of functions that make possible not simply the continuation but even the consolidation of the Shi’ah community in the occultation of the Imam [AS]. Whatever the scriptural arguments in favour of this development and they are indeed numerous this may be a more general consideration that is to say that Shi’ah Islam has as parts of it’s essential genius heavy emphasis upon transmitted and authoritative transmitted and legitimate authority. There is a comparison to be drawn – the authority of the Prophet [SAW] was passed to the Imams [AS], when the institution of the Imamate which has not ended but modified because of the [i]Ghaibah[/i] then there is a transmission of legitimate authority, that is to say a devolution of it to the religious scholars so that this underlying feature of Shi’ism can be evoked to explain the great coherence and solidity of Shi’i tradition after what appears to be from an external point of view a great and puzzling crisis at the beginning of the greater occultation.

[NormaL_UseR]

LECTURE 18

Synopsis

-The purpose filled by the Imam [AS] during the period of the greater occultation
-Communication with the Imam [AS] during the period of the greater occultation
-The emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS] at the end of time
-Raj'ah

The purpose filled by the Imam [AS] during the period of the greater occultation

Looking at the meaning of the greater occultation, the purpose that an occulted Imam [AS] may be said to fulfil. And certain peripheral modes of communication with the Imam [AS] even during the period of the greater occultation. With respect to the purpose of the Imam [AS], what purpose does he fulfil during the greater occultation? Two common metaphors are commonly adduced in explanation and justification of the greater occultation. In the first and the most common of them, it is said that:-

‘The Imam [AS] in his occultation is like the sun obscured by the clouds.’

In other words the sun is most certainly there although you cannot see it, not only is it there but it continues to fulfil it’s function of giving light and heat even though it is not immediately visible because of being covered by the clouds. And therefore to continue the metaphor – the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] from occultation which will be the main topic of the lecture will be like the clouds being dispersed from in front of the sun – so that the sun then shines in it’s full and visible brilliance. Another metaphor that is adduced is that of the heart within the body. Clearly the heart is not visible to us. But we know that the heart is there. But not only is it there but it is invisible under normal circumstances. But it also fulfils a vital and important function giving life to the entire human organism. This second metaphor refers mostly to the role of the Imam [AS] with respect the community as a whole. That is that the Imam [AS] even in his occultation is like the heart in the body of the Shi’ah community – giving life and coherence to it despite absence from immediate view. So these two metaphors have a certain utility even though like any other metaphor they are not analytically precise and do not exhaust the purpose and function of the Imam [AS].

Then comes the question of peripheral occasional communication with the Imam [AS] even during his occultation. There are a number of items to be listed here:-

Firstly, the regular reappearance of the Imam [AS] on the occasion of the Hajj. This was one feature already during the period of the lesser occultation. The Imam [AS] being resident it was generally held in the Hijaz it would appear would make himself known to a limited number of his followers during the Hajj. And it is likewise said that even today during the period of the greater occultation he appears in similar fashion makes himself known on the occasion of the pilgrimage. One hears numerous accounts from individuals who claim to have been allotted this particular privilege. Then in a more formal sense it is said that if a group of authoritative legal scholars (fuqaha) come together and agree upon a subject that means that the Imam [AS] is present among them, this is a contention more easily capable of truth in that the general principle of ‘ijma (consensus) has a particular understanding and interpretation in Shi’ism. The principle of ‘Ijma is a principle in all schools of Islamic Law – Sunni as well as Shi’i. In other words if there is a consensus on a given topic then that consensus necessarily produces a correct answer. The question is of course what individuals must necessarily be involved? What group of individual must agree in order to produce and authoritative consensus? There are varying answers given to this and the difference is not to be co-ordinated necessarily with the difference of opinion of Sunnis and Shi’ahs – in other words in Sunni belief also there are varying opinions on what constitutes 'Ijma. However there is a distinctive Shi’i view point of what constitutes 'Ijma, that it must be the opinion which is endorsed by the Imam [AS] himself. It might under normal circumstances appear to negate the whole concept, because even in the absence of a collective agreement on a given topic by the fuqaha, clearly the opinion of the Imam [AS] in isolation is in itself authoritative and decisive, but if one considers the particular circumstances of the greater occultation then this principle of ‘Ijma acquits a meaning of practical effect, it means that if a group of authoritative scholars come to agree on a particular topic, they attain consensus then by definition that is also the opinion of the Imam [AS] even though there is no claim to any communication even a miraculous communication with the Imam [AS] on this particular occasion.

Communication with the Imam [AS] during the greater occultation

To return the realm of the miraculous or paranormal it is said that sometimes even in the conditions of the greater occultation there will be the receipt of a written communication from the Imam [AS]. Here the Arabic term is different during the lesser occultation a written communication to a named representative is called a tauqir, the name of such a communication received in the greater occultation is called ruq’a’ah which simply means a writing, an inscription on a piece of paper in Arabic. And the ruq’a’a is said to be found generally in a remote location minimising the possibility that it could be forged, put there by somebody else – or it is found floating on water. And conversely the believer himself may initiate written communication with the Imam [AS] by writing a petition and the word used here is aridha – this is the common word used in Arabic for a petition. And then the response to the aridha might conceivably be received in a raq’a’a but more likely through some other indication, some form of inspiration – some sudden realisation that a different course of action under consideration is a correct one, or possibly a dream. Dreams of the Imam [AS] during his occultation, particular his greater occultation are a fairly frequent feature of the biographical literature of the Shi’ah scholars. And the dream will not necessarily be authoritative for other than the one who sees it. In other words it is a form of personal communication, personal favour for the one who sees the 12^th Imam [AS] during his occultation. But it is said that whoever dreams of the 12^th Imam [AS] has in fact dreamt of him, in other words if you awaken with a sincere conviction that you have seen the 12^th Imam [AS] then indeed you have. Here we have an analogy with a general principle in Islam both Sunni and Shi’ah, that whoever dreams of the Prophet [SAW] likewise has indeed dreamt of him. In other words it is not possible for another person, or entity of force to take on the shape of the Propet [SAW] in a dream thereby deceiving the believer. Therefore by definition any dream of the Prophet [SAW] that is experienced is authentically such. By analogy the same applies to the 12^th Imam [AS].

Then there is the possibility or actuality if one believes all the narratives to this effect of having a vision of the 12^th Imam [AS] in a wakened state. Being favoured with a vision of him, an actual vision with the physical eye in an awakened state, not on the particular occasion of the Hajj when he appears in Makkah but on some other occasion. And numerous are the accounts of scholars of whom it is said that they were in frequent communication with the very person of the Imam [AS], by means of his miraculous appearance. To name one recent report as an example for example Allamah Tabataba'i who wrote an extremely important commentary on the Quran. He is said to have by those closely acquainted with him including his son to have been in regular communication with the 12^th Imam [AS], the same has also been said of Imam Khumaini himself. So there are these varying fashions for this rule, certainly not consistent and available to only certain individuals, this raises the possibility of communication even during the period of the greater occultation. In later lectures on of the topics will be the hybrid for of Sufi Shi’ism or Shi’i Sufusm. Sufism in it’s major expression is in sectarian terms a Sunni phenomenon, there are however a few Shi’i groups that are Sufi. Among these groups there is the belief that the progress of the individual member of the Sufi order takes place in some way through the aegis of the 12^th Imam [AS]. Therefore although a living individual is the murshid – or guide on the path still he acts on behalf of or under the authority of the 12^th Imam [AS]. It is said that the relationship between the two is the relationship of the sun and the moon in other words the true guide is the sun, the Imam [AS] however his light as it were is reflected on the moon i.e. the person in the shape of the living guide in the Sufi order. So this also is one mode of communication in the world of Sufi-Shi’ism or Shi’i Sufism however one puts it. Not surprisingly this interpretation of matters was strongly contested and remains strongly contested by the Shi’i ulema, by the Shi’i religious scholars who insist on their own privileged although collective function as those who exercise on behalf of the hidden Imam [AS] numerous of his powers and functions during the greater occultation.

The emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS] at the end of time

The literature insists upon the fact that the absence the greater occultation will be of unpredictable length. That the individual believer should not expect the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] in his or her own lifetime. But this patience and restraint must go together with an aspiration for the Imam [AS] to return. So therefore a combination of opposing or contrasting attitudes. Which in itself maintenance of these attitudes, one may say is a certain type of communication with the Imam [AS] – in other words keeping alive the memory of him being aware of him constantly is in a way a mode of his presence. If he is present in the mind and if he is present in the heart this in itself is a certain type of function exercised by him.

Can look at the various terms used to designate the return of the Imam [AS]. Ghaibah – means absence or occultation. There are three words used to designate the return of the Imam [AS], the ultimate emergence of the Imam [AS] from the state of occultation – firstly qiyam which is cognate with that title qa’im. The 12^th Imam [AS] is designated with the title qa’im – the one who will arise and fulfil expectations of universal justice and the vindication of the Imamate at the end of time. Qa’im is then the personal noun or adjective qiyam is the verbal noun ‘the arising, the rising up.’ And of course it has within itself all of the connotations of the word al-Qa’im. The word qiyam is also not only connected with the rising of the 12^th Imam [AS] in order to vindicate the cause of the Imamate and bring about the universal triumph of justice it also within itself announces the proximity of resurrection. And not coincidentally the word for resurrection is the word qiyamah. So one can say that the appearance of qiyam the rising of Imam [AS] is an indication of qiyamah, that the resurrection is near at hand. In fact the qiyam is the principle sign for the nearness of the approach of resurrection. And secondly dhuhur, appearance – which is obvious in going with the literal sense of the word. Out of the state of occultation the Imam [AS] will come forth. And finally among these terms is khuruj meaning literally emergence, and the primary sense of the word is obvious, he will emerge from a state of invisibility in the occultation into a state khuruj, i.e. appearance or manifestation. There is however a secondary sense which is also relevant. In Arabic the verb Kharaja this is of course a verbal noun when construed with the preposition ‘ala, one might translate this as come out against. In other words this has the sense of insurrection, of opposition of confrontation – the corresponding English idiom to come out against something or someone is to stand up in opposition to or in confrontation with. And this also is the sense of the word khuruj when applied to the 12^th Imam [AS], this will be the final and triumphant insurrection against injustice and illegitimate rule. So these three words are used and indicate one dimension or another of that which is anticipated.

However when it comes to the circumstances, the time and the place of the re-emergence the reappearance of the Imam [AS] very many details are to be found – it is difficult to work into a coherent and consistent whole. This maybe in the nature of things understandable and comprehensible precisely because of the mysterious nature of the phenomenon – using the word mysterious here in the original and not the colloquial sense of the word. In other words this is a mystery it is something in and of itself is beyond human comprehension, it is beyond ordinary sensory experience of man. That being the case it is comprehensible that there should not be a complete agreement upon all of the narrative details concerning what will ultimately happen. It is of course true that most of those details are derived from hadith. But it must be remembered that the science of hadith is even in the hands of it’s most capable practitioners a somewhat fragile science. And that in the case of Shi’ah hadith the factor of taqiyyah has always to be borne in mind. That is to say that any of the Imams [AS] may on a given occasion have deliberately refrained from presentation of the matter at hand in a way that indeed reflects it’s view. In the discussion that now follows an attempt has been made to iron out some of the contradictions, to present the main features, the highlights of what is agreed upon by all of the authorities on this question. In advance of that kind of rationalised summary there are the following two things to say. Firstly as shall be seen many of the details concerning the circumstances of the re-emergence of the Imam [AS], the places where he is active, the personages involved are clearly derived from the early history of Islam and of Shi’ism in particular. It is as it were to constitute these details, an echo of what happened in the earlier history of Islam. Which is again entirely comprehensible in that one of the purposes, one of the immediate purposes of the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] will be to avenge the injustices suffered in the past by the Ahl al-bait [AS] to reverse the course of history. So that some details which might otherwise appear curious are in this sense explicable. Secondly many of the details have a symbolic significance connecting the re-emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS] with the whole pattern of sacred history, in other words not simply a replay or a revision of events in the earliest history of Islam but to connect the 12^th Imam [AS] and his re-emergence with the whole pattern of sacred history from the very origins of humanity. When I say that they have a symbolic significance, it is not meant necessarily by this that such events will not palpably visibly happen but simply drawing attention to the fact that there is undeniable symbolic significance attached to many of these events.

To begin with the question of time, as already mentioned the time of the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] is uncertain, it is unknown indeed there is an explicit prohibition of any attempt to predict the coming or return of the 12^th Imam [AS] to manifestation, and this is for two important reasons. Firstly the belief in the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] at the end of time is obviously tied to the belief in resurrection – qiyam is the prelude to qiyamah. And the timing of resurrection is unknown in fact there in the Quran itself a clear and unmistakable statement that the timing of resurrection, when the hour shall come is known only to Allah (SWT):-

‘They ask you about the hour, when will be its taking place? Say: The knowledge of it is only with my Lord; none but He shall manifest it at its time; it will be momentous in the heavens and the earth; it will not come on you but of a sudden. They ask you as if you were solicitous about it. Say: Its knowledge is only with Allah, but most people do not know.’ (7:187)

It is Allah (SWT) alone who knows when the hour will come that being the case an even that is closely associated with and serves as the prelude to the coming of resurrection it is appropriate that the precise timing of that event be left unknown aswell and in fact unknowable. The second important reason for this unknowability of the time of the emergence of the Imam [AS] is of course the continuing danger to which the Shi’ah community was exposed. If for example there were a precise prediction of the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] then the enemies of the Shi’ah cause, the enemies of the Imam [AS] would be in a position to make preparations to increase repression in order to forestall any possible preparation by the followers of the Shi’ah community to lend their support to the Imam [AS] once he came. So in terms of the year there is absolutely no knowledge, nor even the possibility of knowledge. However the day is of course fixed. There is a complete agreement on the day, in just the same day that there was a complete agreement of the day on which the Imam [AS] was born, 15^th Sha’ban. And likewise the day on which the Imam [AS] will re-emerge is fixed according to the agreement of all the relevant traditions being 10^th Muharram the day of Ashura. It is here we see the echoes of the early history of Islam – Shi’ism in particular and a connection between the Mahdi and the overall development of sacred history, because Ashura even before the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] in Kerbala was a day on which significant events happened in the sacred history of humanity, it was on that day it is said that Adam [AS] descended to earth, it was on that day that the flood had subsided and Nuh [AS] descended from the Ark, it was on that day that Ibrahim [AS] was delivered from the fire and it was on that day that Isa [AS] ascended to heaven. And in addition to that before the institution of the month long fast of Ramadhan there was a one day fast observed by the early Muslims before the migration to Madinah on Ashura. So it was a day already replete with these significances and associations. But of course after the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] all of this was overshadowed by precisely that event. So that Ashura not only in the memory of Shi’i Muslims but also Sunnis became above all the day on which the grandson of the Prophet [SAW] had been martyred in that atrocious fashion. So this being the case that the 12^th Imam [AS] will reappear on Ashura, Ashura is the day that not only one looks back to into memory, remembers the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS] in Kerbala it is also a day on which one looks forward to the emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS]. Although the latter is overshadowed by the former. Mourning is more important or at least a more widely practised component of worship on that day than is look forward to the emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS], but it is that also – one looks forward in the two senses of that expression, you anticipate it in the future and you look forward to it in the sense of eagerness and happiness.

One aspect of this time is of course is that among other things the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] out of occultation on that day will accomplish vengeance for the martyrdom of Imam Husain [AS]. Then again with respect to timing it is said that the first outward sign of the impending re-emergence of the Imam [AS] from occultation will be on the night of the 23^rd Ramadhan in the preceding year. Muharram is the first month of the Islamic year, and therefore in advance of that in the preceding year on the 23^rd night of Ramadhan a sign will be given. Before discussing the nature and content of that sign, the general significance of the 23^rd Ramadhan needs to be discussed – the 23^rd Ramadhan is that day or night it is generally identified in Shi’i tradition as being the night of power ‘Laylat al-Qadr’. The primary or most common significance of Laylat al-Qadr is that on that night the Quran was revealed in the following sense it was brought down from the proximity of the Divine Throne to the edge of the worldly plain as a totality – as a body. And thereafter piece by piece it was conveyed by the Archangel Jibra’il to the Prophet [SAW]. Therefore one may think in rather crude fashion that the revelation of the Quran in these two stages, firstly a bringing down of the totality of the book, to the proximity of the world and then once there it’s gradual transference in accordance with circumstances to the Prophet [SAW] by the archangel Gabriel. As for the uncertainty of the difference of opinion concerning it’s time this goes back to a tradition from the Prophet [SAW] in which he says:-

‘Search for the Laylat al-Qadr on an odd numbered night in the last ten days of Ramadhan.’

So in theory the night of power might be as a early as the 21^st Ramadhan or as late as 29^th Ramadhan. Why is there ambiguity about this because it contains an encouragement to observe each of those nights as laylat al-Qadr in order to gain the benefit from doing so. However generally speaking there have been attempts to identify Laylat al-Qadr with a particular night. In Sunni tradition this night is regarded as the 27^th Ramadhan and Shi’i tradition it is considered to be the 23^rd. So the fact that this preliminary announcement of the forthcoming announcement for the return of the Imam [AS] will be made on the 23^rd Ramadhan is significant it was on that night that the Quran as a totality was sent down. Given the essential and unbreakable linkage between the Quran and the Ahl al-Bait [AS] it is appropriate that the proclamation of his return should take place on this particular night. In other words it is an indication by virtue of timing of this important linkage between the last member of the Ahl al-Bait [AS], the 12^th Imam [AS] and the original receipt of revelation. And what of the sign given on this night? A voice will call out from the heavens that al-Qa’im al-Mahdi will re-emerge next Ashura. This preliminary announcement will only be audible to the faithful followers of the Imam [AS]. It is not yet a universally audible proclamation of his re-emergence. However it will be quickly accompanied by or followed by signs visible to all. On earth for example it is said that the sun will rise in the west and that solar and lunar eclipses will take place in quick succession. So these cosmic signs will also point to the unique nature of the time. They count as an indication that the order of all things cosmic as well as worldly is about to be overturned. And some of these signs these two in particular i.e. the sun rising in the west and the solar and lunar eclipses taking place in quick succession we also find in the Sunni literature concerning the emergence of the Mahdi (not re-emergence as is the case in this Shi’ah literature).

And sometimes one finds attempts being made to give metaphorical interpretations to these signs, for example that the sun will rise in the west – we find some Muslims saying that the re-birth of Islam will take place right here in the west but this self congratulatory metaphorical interpretation cannot be taken too seriously quite apart of the state of disarray of western Muslims, there is nothing in the literature to indicate that the signs are other than events that will indeed be visible, observable with the physical eye in the cosmos. As far as place is concerned there is again a near total consensus that the place for the re-emergence of the Imam [AS] will be in Makkah, he will not re-emerge in any of the places more narrowly and particularly associated with Shi’ism not in Najaf, Kerbala, Kufa or Samarra, not even in Madinah but in Makkah, this is because he is the Mahdi sent to humanity as a whole – Mahdi al-anar. In terms of precise details, some inconsistencies have to be ignored in order to construct a consistent narrative. There is a hadith from Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] which says that:-

‘The Mahdi will enter Makkah wearing the same clothing that the Prophet [SAW] wore and will have on his feet the same sandals that the Prophet [SAW] wore.’

Whether by saying this it is meant of the same type or substantially the same identical items is left open, probably for that it is intended. Clearly without wanting to judge one way or another the literal veracity of this prediction it’s symbolic sense is clear that is that the Imam Mahdi [AS] comes as the successor to the Prophet [SAW] as the one who will vindicate the cause of the Imams [AS] whose authority goes back the Prophet [SAW] himself. It is also said in continuation of the same hadith that:-

‘He will be driving a herd of goats before him so that none will recognise him.’

In other words in advance of his general proclamation he will assume this lowly guise in order to protect his identity one final time before his open re-emergene and vindication of the cause. He will having entered Makkah go to the courtyard of the Ka’bah and await nightfall. Then when night falls he will be visited by two of the archangels Jibra’il and Mika’il and they will promise him their support in the tasks that he is about to undertake. The once dawn comes the Imam al-Mahdi [AS] will take up his position between two locations in the courtyard of the Ka’bah the Makam Ibrahim and Rukn al-Yamani. Makam Ibrahim is believed to be a post where it is believed that Prophet Ibrahim [AS] stood in order to pray this is marked in the courtyard of the Ka’bah even now. As for the Rukn al-Yamani this is at the corner of the Ka’bah, the west corner of the Ka’bah the corner pointing in the direction of Yemen. To stand at Makam Ibrahim and offer prayer is of course part of the Hajj ritual, but in this particular case that is the re-emergence of the 12^th Imam [AS] one may deduce some further symbolic significance mainly that he [AS] is hereby connecting himself implicitly to the entire line of the Prophets, reaching back to his own ancestor Prophet Muhammad [SAW] and Ibrahim [AS] himself. However he does not stand at the Makam Ibrahim, but between that and the corner of the Ka’bah and this may indicate a connection with all of the bearers of the Divine word even before Ibrahim [AS], because in Islamic belief the first builder of the Ka’bah was none other than Adam [AS] himself. By positioning himself here the Imam Mahdi [AS] is connecting himself spatially and symbolically with the entire line of the Prophets and the entirety of sacred history.
Taking up his position there he makes his proclamation:-

‘O chiefs and people who are close to me, O you who are preserved on earth by Allah (SWT) in order to help me come towards me and obey me.’

The ‘chiefs and people who are close to me…’ this presumeably refers to those faithful Shi’ah who heard the otherwise inaudible proclamation made on the previous 23^rd Ramadhan having heard that they would know that on the following Ashura the Imam [AS] would become manifest again and would have therefore come there to him, to be at his disposal when he made the proclamation. It is said that there will be precisely 313 of them and 50 of them will be women. Why 313? Again here there is an echo of previous history although now of exclusively Islamic history, because this is the number of people who fought with the Prophet [SAW] a the battle of Badr the first battle fought in Islam, an obvious echo, or a replay of earlier history. One can say that the final confrontation of truth with untruth is a mirror numerically speaking of that first confrontation that took place in the battle of Badr. Then in response to this proclamation of the Imam [AS] the 313 will advance towards him to pledge their allegiance to him. And pillars of light will rise up from the courtyard of the Ka’bah to the heavens. And these pillars of light will make visible to the naked eye, to the physical eye, heavenly entities such as the Divine throne and tablet, what the Quran refers to as the preserved tablet on which the archetype of all revelation is inscribed. This is interesting in that the light rises up to the heavens it does not come down to the heavens as might be expected. In other words the Imam [AS] himself by his re-emergence is the supreme manifestation of the Divine Luminosity, the Divine Light, such that it is his light that illumines the heavens and makes visible that which is otherwise belongs to the hidden but non-manifest realm – the Divine Throne and the Preserved Tablet. We also find here a possible parallel with one element in the narrative concerned with the birth of the Prophet [SAW] although it is not something that can be authenticated with reference to the Quran. It is often said in the relevant narratives concerning the Prophet [SAW] in both Sunni and Shi’i sources that his birth also was accompanied by columns of light rising up from the earth to the heavens. Then after the receipt of allegiance from the 313, the Imam [AS] goes towards the Ka’bah and places his back against it stretches out his hand and invites a pledge of allegiance from all others that are present on this occasion. In other words not simply his own 313 followers but all others who happen to be present there. And as he does this light will come forth from his outstretched hand, once again this element of luminosity and he will say:-

‘This is the hand of God, it is from his direction and from his command.’

He will the recite (48:10)

‘Surely those who swear allegiance to you do but swear allegiance to Allah; the hand of Allah is above their hands. Therefore whoever breaks (his faith), he breaks it only to the injury of his own soul, and whoever fulfills what he has covenanted with Allah, He will grant him a mighty reward.’ (48:10)

The verse is of course originally addressed to the Prophet [SAW], ‘Surely those who swear allegiance to you do but swear allegiance to Allah…’ why? Because it is axiomatic in the Quran, it stresses it on several occasions that obedience with the Prophet [SAW] is co-terminus with obedience with God. Therefore to swear allegiance to the Prophet [SAW] is swearing allegiance to God, ‘…the hand of Allah is above their hands…’ obviously not to be taken in an anthropomorphic sense that God has a hand akin to humans, but rather that his authority is above their hands, in other words that his authority confirms the pledge of allegiance that has been made by the believers who place their hands in the hand of the Prophet [SAW] as the outward sign of pledging allegiance to him. Now the fact that the Imam [AS] at this point recites this verse is of obvious significance, again it is a reflection of continuation of the authority of the Prophet [SAW] so when he [AS] at the beginning of this sentence says that ‘this is the hand of God’ clearly he does not claim to be a Divine Manifestation it is his own hand however in a symbolic and a functional sense it is the hand of God. To place ones’ hands in the hand of the Imam [AS] and to swear allegiance to him is swearing allegiance to God. One other detail in this narrative the fact that the Imam [AS] places his back against the Ka’bah, this might appear to be an act of gross discourtesy towards the Ka’bah. The Ka’bah is not only the house of mankind, it is the house of Allah ÓÈÍÇäå æÊÚÇáì, it is the earthly counterpart of the Divine Throne, and to turn one’s back to it, and to go beyond that to lean against it might be seen to be an act of supreme discourtesy and impiety and in fact no-one in his right mind will attempt to do this in the course of the pilgrimage today. Even there are those who believe that it is not permissible to turn one’s back the Ka’bah, when exiting the courtyard surrounding it. How do we then explain how for other than the Imam [AS] would be a highly reprehensible act? The explanation that follows is not in any particular source but if one correlates it with other beliefs and traditions possibly it makes sense. There is a hadith to be found in both Shi’ah and Sunni sources in which God says speaking of the time of the Prophet [SAW]:-

‘The heavens and the earth cannot contain Me rather the heart of My believing servant contains Me.’

From this it has been deduced not surprisingly by the Sufis above all that the true house of God in this world is not the Ka’bah i.e. the structure made of mortar and bricks but rather the heart of the believer. So the purified heart of the believer as a locus of Divine Presence is ultimately superior to the Ka’bah. This is expressed in numerous way particularly in the sphere of Sufism. If it was permissible to transfer this to the person of the Mahdi [AS] his leaning against the Ka’bah may possibly be understood in this sense, indeed he as the purified servant of God and more than that has a superiority over the Ka’bah itself, so that this act of apparent reprehensibility becomes justifiable and understandable. Having invited the pledge of allegiance from all those present it is said that other orders of being now come forward to pledge their allegiance, the totality of the angels firstly Jibra’il and Mika’il come forward to him at night, and other totality of the angels, then the most noble amongst the Jinn. The Jinn are a category mentioned in the Quran of subtle being, in other words under normal circumstances to most people they are not visible or noticeable. And in fact the word jinn comes from an Arabic root meaning hidden. So they are those whose existence is hidden, although nonetheless real. The Jinn have in common with humans the possession of free will so therefore they believe or refuse to believe, they can be virtuous or evil. And the virtuous and the believers among them at this point come forward to pledge their allegiance to the Mahdi. Two things can be made of this – firstly that the cosmic functions of the Imams [AS] go even beyond he human sphere so that other orders of being, orders of subtle being – the angels and the jinn also acknowledge his claims of authority over them. And secondly again an echo of an incident in the life of the Prophet [SAW]. He also received a profession of belief from some of the Jinn when he was in the environs of he city of Ta’if in Arabia.

After receiving the allegiance of the angels and the jinn and the 313 faithful followers some of the other people will also come forward. It is said that from all of the people of Makkah only four people at this point will pledge their allegiance to the Imam [AS], and of all of the people of Madinah only four as well. So from these two most sacred cities in Islam – Makkah and Madinah only 8 will step forward to pledge their allegiance to the Imam [AS]. And they will in fact be confused not surprisingly by what is underway because they will not recognise any of the 313 people. The 313 faithful followers of the Imam [AS] will be unknown to them because they have gathered there from outside the haramain, from outside Makkah and Madinah in order to pledge their allegiance to the Imam and to lend him their aid. Once the sun has fully risen there will be a declaration this time from the heavens and this time audible to everyone. The first heavenly proclamation on the preceding 23^rd Ramadhan was audible only to the faithful followers of the Imam [AS], this one will be generally audible. Not only to the Muslims but in fact to all of mankind across the world it will be said that the voice will be audible and appropriately the proclamation begins, ‘O people of the worlds…’ the plural should be noted here which means not only the human world, but all levels and orders of being, they are being addressed here.

‘O people of the worlds this is the Mahdi from amongst the descendants of Muhammad [SAW].’

So a generally audible proclamation to the entirety of mankind announcing the coming of the Mahdi from the lineage of the Prophet [SAW]. In the traditions the question of language and the diversity of language is not made apparent or touched upon but once one posits the possibility of what is clearly a miraculous event, one can go logically one step further and say that irrespective of the language of those who hear this address it will presumerably be comprehensible to them. The believers having heard this proclamation will then say:-

‘We hear and we obey.’

Now exactly at this same time or very soon thereafter another voice will be audible coming from the west and this voice will say the following:-

‘Sufiani has appeared in Palestine pay allegiance to him in order to be saved.’

In other words a rival claim to the allegiance of the loyalty of the believers now makes his appearance. Who is Sufiani? Sufiani is taken from the name Abu Sufian, the father of Mu’awiyah and therefore the grandfather of Yazid. Abu Sufian during the lifetime of the Prophet [SAW] was one of the most obstinate opponents of Islam, he embraced Islam only after the conquest of Makkah and the return there of the Prophet [SAW]. Sufiani is a descendant of Yazid, a member of the Umayyad family. Now a proclamation is made of his appearance and of his claim for allegiance. So very obviously here there is some kind of replay, repetition or reflection of early Shi’i history. It is said that the first time that this proclamation is made no-one in Makkah will listen to him. However the second time that this proclamation is made some people will defect and join the cause of Sufiani. What is the logic behind this? If the cause of the Imamate is not the cause of a simple lineage but the cause of justice, legitimate rule and obedience to God, then it makes sense that at the very end of history, this principle be confronted with it’s negative counterpart. Therefore Sufiani as the heir of Yazid makes his appearance. In other words the necessity in this final confrontation for a manifestation of absolute evil as well. And as shall be seen the manifestation of evil is twofold there is not simply Sufiani but also the antichrist Dajjal. So there is the emergence while the Imam Mahdi [AS] is still in Makkah of the Sufiani.

The Imam Mahdi [AS] continues with his task by making another proclamation that he is identical with all of the preceding Prophets and Imams [AS] he says:-

‘Truly anyone wishes to see Adam [AS] and Seth [AS] should know that I am Adam [AS] and Seth [AS]. Whoever wishes to see Noah [AS] and Shem [AS] should know that I am Noah [AS] and Shem [AS]…’

Why the mention not only of these prophets Adam [AS] and Noah [AS] but also of their sons because Shi’ah belief sees in earlier sacred history the counterpart to the Imamate, in other words each of the preceding prophets is held to have in turn had his succession of authorised successors from their lineages. So another identification on the part of the Imam [AS], with the Imam Mahdi [AS] now returned with the totality of preceding history. Then he says:-

‘Anyone who has read all of the Divine Scriptures and Scrolls let then now hear them from me.’

He proceeds to recite all of the sacred books and revelations of history restoring them to their integral and correct form, since it is the Islamic belief that previous scriptures whether by accident because of the ravages of time or because of deliberate distortion were subject to textual change and loss. And now the Imam [AS] as a part of his general function as a kind recapitulation of sacred history as a whole will recite in their original and integral form the texts of all preceding revelations.

Raj'ah

Now will discuss the difficult and controversial point, controversial even within Shi’ism itself of what is called the raj’ah what might be called the partial or selective resurrection of certain individuals in advance of the general resurrection. What is being dealt with here is something different from the reappearance of the Imam [AS]. The Imam [AS] returns from occultation to the human plain to visibility – raj’ah is something different -those who are dead are now brought back. The word raj’ah of course means return – they are brought back by means of resurrection in advance of the general resurrection of mankind we are not yet at qiyamah. The persons that are bought back are marked either by great virtue, or profound corruption. So this general theme which underlies the whole of this narrative of a decisive confrontation between the forces of evil and virtue and unbelief and belief, justice and injustice again finds expression here. Among those who return here are for example Imam Husain [AS] and his 72 companions – the 72 who kept faith with him and were martyred at Kerbala and other of the Imams [AS] also, as well as some of the companions of the Prophet [SAW]. The problematic nature of this belief is that although the Mahdi has returned from a state of occultation to the manifest plain obviously he has not died, from the point of view of the premises that have been established. Whereas these individuals have died and are now being bought back in advance of the general resurrection. In defence of this belief the following scriptural arguments are being advanced firstly (40:11)

‘They shall say: Our Lord! twice didst Thou make us subject to death, and twice hast Thou given us life, so we do confess our faults; is there then a way to get out?’ (40:11)

This verse cites the sinners as saying on the day of judgment, ‘…Lord! twice didst Thou make us subject to death, and twice hast Thou given us life…’ There are of of course a multitude of possible interpretations of this directly from this, if directly from it is to adduce it in favour of the doctrine of raj’ah then it was seen to be fairly clear and explicit. So that just as the person is resurrected in advance of the general resurrection likewise he will be caused to die again and then be resurrected again so two deaths and two resurrections. Then there is the Quranic belief that Isa [AS] among his other miracles also resurrected the dead:-

‘And (make him) a messenger to the children of Israel: That I have come to you with a sign from your Lord, that I determine for you out of dust like the form of a bird, then I breathe into it and it becomes a bird with Allah's permission and I heal the blind and the leprous, and bring the dead to life with Allah's permission and I inform you of what you should eat and what you should store in your houses; most surely there is a sign in this for you, if you are believers’ (3:49)

It is argued that if Isa [AS] as a prophet was capable of resurrecting the dead obviously in advance of the general universal resurrection of mankind, then it should certainly be possible for God to do so also. So on a scriptural and even rational basis an argument is made in favour of the raj’ah. Against this argument of the theory or doctrine of raj’ah it can be said and in fact has been said that among those who will be selectively resurrected will be the Prophet [SAW] himself. But he plays no significant role in the unfolding of the narrative surrounding the return of the 12^th Imam [AS]. This being the case the concept itself in the view of certain scholars is questionable. Because all that the 12^th Imam [AS] does is ultimately as the one who fulfils the will, who has inherited the legacy, the mission, the scripture of the Prophet [SAW] and that he should as it were to put it bluntly be ‘sidelined’ in inverted commas in this last and final confrontation of history seems questionable. In any event this is the belief in the raj’ah. After the receipt of allegiance the Imam Mahdi [AS] goes from Makkah to Madinah this is a replay or echo of the Hijrah, the original migration of the Prophet [SAW] from Makkah to Madinah. And also to the seat of authority, Madinah of course was the first seat of authority of the Islamic government. And the Mahdi is here above all for governmental purposes, he establishes a government. Before he leaves Makkah to go to Madinah he rebuilds the Ka’bah exactly as it was in the time of Adam [AS]. It is already mentioned that it is believed that that Ka’bah was first built by Adam [AS] and of course in the course of time it has been destroyed and rebuilt on numerous occasions, although the black stone in the corner of the Ka’bah is held to be relic of the first construction made by Adam [AS]. Again one can see behind or together with this narrative a symbolic aspect namely a final reconstruction or restoration of that which the Ka’bah symbolises namely Divine Unity. It may also be appropriate to recall that even before the beginning of his mission the Prophet [SAW] had a hand in the reconstruction of the Ka’bah in his own time. The Ka’bah was being rebuilt and the Prophet [SAW] was chosen even before he beginning of his mission for the significant task of placing the black stone in the corner of the Ka’bah.

Also before leaving Makkah to go to Madinah the Imam al-Mahdi [AS] will destroy the palaces built by the caliphs, and by the unjust rulers. And here again the purpose is more than material it is to destroy the architectural manifestations of shirk. In just the same way as the restoration of the Ka’bah in it’s original form has the symbolic sense of restoring the correct and true understand of Divine Unity, likewise destroying the premises built by the caliphs of the outer, the architectural manifestations of the negative counterpart of Tauhid which is shirk. Of course one should not take this in a restrictive sense, not only the palaces built by the caliphs no doubt the palaces built by the Saudis also. A large royal palace built on one of the hillsides overlooking the Ka’bah – this is obviously a prime target for destruction by the Mahdi [AS] if it is still standing at that time. After the Imam [AS] has left Makkah for Madinah a revolt will take place in Makkah and the deputy that he has left behind to rule on his behalf will be killed. There is no historical record or symbolic echo to this part of the narrative in any event it is said that the Imam [AS] will send an army from Madinah to Makkah to suppress the rebellion. Those who took part in the rebellion will repent and be forgiven. However then they rebel again and this time they are not forgiven and the killing of all of those who have rebelled against the authority of the Mahdi [AS] takes place. Then from Madinah the Imam Mahdi [AS] moves to Kufah which was of course the seat of government of Imam Ali [AS] so that here he is engaged in a restoration of the government of Imam Ali [AS]. And at this time a movement arises in easterly regions which will strengthen his government. There are two locations mentioned here – from two places in Iran groups of people will arise in order to lend their support to the Mahdi [AS] these two places are Daylam and Taliqan. Dailam is an arcane geographical term corresponding roughly to the present day province of Iran that area on the Caspian shore which since it’s first acquaintance with Islam professed Shi’ism. Taliqan is the city in Khurasan in the eastern part of Iran which now has no particular significance although at an earlier point of view in history it was one of the earlier strongholds of Shi’ism in Iran. There are more than one place called Taliqan there is also a Taliqan in North-Eastern Afghanistan. The significant point is that these two locations obviously have their significance in the earlier history of Shi’ism. It is said that a descendant of Imam Hassan [AS] the 2^nd Imam [AS] would emerge in Dailam and that he will call upon the devotees of the Imam [AS] to gather around him and to proceed to Kufah in order to give support to the Mahdi [AS]. And the most significant response will come precisely from Taliqan, from this city in the Eastern part of Iran. This army drawn from these two areas will come westwards to Kufah defeating the enemies of the Imam [AS] as they come. Once they arrive in Kufah they form as it were the core of a military force that the Mahdi [AS] is now gathering. And he will display to them as tokens of the Imamate which according to a tradition already established by Imam Jaffer al-Sadiq [AS] were in the hereditary possession of the Imams [AS]. The weapons used by the Prophet [SAW] and therefore indicating the Imam’s [AS] political and military authority. Some of this force arising from Iran is now sent to Damascus in order to capture and put to death the Sufiani. This they are successful in doing they behead the Sufiani and send his head back to Kufah. Here of course there is a reversal or a mirror image of what happened at Kerbala on the occasion of Kerbala of course an army came from Damascus to Imam Hussain [AS] and took his head back to Damascus. Whereas what happens now is that an army goes to Iraq to Damascus – puts to death the descendant of Yazid – Sufiani beheads him and brings his head back to Kufah. So in obvious narrative terms a reversal of earlier history.